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The Competitiveness of Nations in a Global Knowledge-Based Economy The Neo Physiocracy BIOLOGY, ECONOMICS & EPISTEMOLOGY
Harry Hillman Chartrand |
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Concepts & Connexions 0.0 Introduction
0.1 In
this paper, I outline concepts and connexions between three distinct disciplines
of human thought – biology, economics and epistemology (the study of knowledge).
They are, however, for purposes of this and two subsequent companion papers, but
single cells of three vast ‘knowledge domains’ outlined below.
0.02 Collectively,
these three will serve as a vehicle to explore the meaning and implications
of a ‘knowledge-based’ economy (OECD 1996), and more generally, a
knowledge-based society. To provide
focus definitions are in order: a) Biology:
specifically, its engineering offshoot - biotechnology;
b) Economics:
specifically, seven American Economic
Association sub-disciplines:
B - Schools of Economic Thought and
Methodology;
O - Economic Development, Technological Change, and
Growth;
Q - Agricultural and Natural Resource
Economics; and,
Z - Other Special Topics – specifically, Z100 Cultural Economics; and, c) Epistemology : specifically the study of knowledge as organized, systematized and retrievable information. This is the etymological meaning of science derived from the Latin scientia from scindere ‘to split’ or ‘to know’ then compounded with the Latin suffix entia forming nouns of quality (a word in turn derived from the Latin for ‘kind’), i.e., to split into types or taxonomies. Technology, on the other hand (conventionally associated with the application of knowledge for fun, profit or military purpose), derives from the Greek techne for art, and logos for reason, i.e. reasoned art. Similarly, the intellectual device used to split types is ‘concept’, derived from the Latin meaning to grasp firmly with the hands [of the mind].1.1 Biology is one of the three primary natural sciences including: biology, chemistry and physics. It shares with its sisters a fundamental reliance on the ‘experimental method’ to generate knowledge, more specifically, to disprove hypotheses about the ‘natural world’. Unlike its sisters, however, biology concerns ‘living things’, some of whom are human beings. At this juncture, the experimental method, in recognition of ‘human rights’ and the Hippocratic Oath, fades away as an ethically and legally acceptable methodology. In addition to such rights, human life also exhibits unique biological characteristics as homo sapiens, i.e., it is conscious of itself and it transfers ‘extrasomatic’ knowledge (Sagan 1977) – words, numbers and pictures - to subsequent generations; and, finally, it is the dominant life form on the planet. a) they are organized into
cells (without or without nuclei) composed of heterogeneous chemicals separated
one from the other and from the ‘environment’ by a semi-permeable osmotic
membrane; b) they are fueled by an
internal metabolism involving chemical and energy transformations;
c) they exhibit
homeostasis, i.e. they maintain internal conditions separated from an outside
environment; d) they grow purposively
converting environmental materials into themselves, reacting to and selecting
external stimuli; f) they reproduce
transferring sections of DNA for the organization and metabolism of a new
generation; and, g) they evolve through the
changing individual caused by mutation and natural selection in response to a
stressful environment. Unless
interrupted by catastrophe, life tends towards ever more complicated structures,
i.e., from single cell to cooperative or symbiotic cells to multi-cellular
organisms to animals with multiple organs and, ultimately, to a self-conscious
organism bent on breaking the Third Law of Thermodynamics: entropy: i.e., all
structures breakdown into randomness.
1.4 Biological knowledge when
applied in the ‘real world’ becomes technology. The most dramatic demonstration to date
of the ‘reasoned art’ of biotechnology was the so-called Agriculture Revolution
of six thousand years ago that provided the human organism with a surplus of
food sufficient to lay the foundation of ‘civilization’, i.e. living in cities.
In this sense, biotechnology is as
old as history: i.e., plants and animals have been selectively bred and
microorganisms used to make, for example, beverages (wine and beer) and
foodstuffs such as, cheese and bread throughout history, i.e. the written record
of humanity.
1.5 The actual term
‘biotechnology’ was coined in 1919 by an Hungarian engineer, Karl Ereky, who meant all the lines of work by which
products are produced from raw materials with the aid of living organisms, e.g.,
fermentation processes that produce acetone from starch and paint solvents.
Ereky envisioned a biochemical age
similar to the stone and iron ages. (Murphy and Perella,
1993)
1.6 Biotechnology generates
benefits through enhanced production and quality of foods, fibers, materials and
medicines. Using the newly acquired
tools of molecular biology it can, for example, produce enhanced materials such
as spider silk produced by goats (Noble 2002); it offers new possibilities for
information processing, e.g., the DNA computer (Reaney 2001). Contemporary biotech has been erected on
a foundation laid down by advances in electronic information processing
technology, i.e. based on innovations in sub-atomic physics (transistors)
leading to the integrated circuit and hence to the modern
computer. 1.7 Modern biotechnology commands seven classes of tools (Biotech Education Program 1994): (a) Fermentation: using microbes to convert a substance such as starch or
sugar into other compounds such as carbon dioxide and
ethanol; (b) Selection and Breeding: manipulating microbes, plants or animals, and choosing
desirable individuals or populations as breeding stock for new generations;
(c) Genetic Analysis: studying how traits and genes for traits are passed
from generation to generation and how genes and the environment interact to
result in specific traits;
(d) Tissue Culture: growing plant or animal tissues or cells in test tubes
or other laboratory glassware for propagation, chemical production and/or
medical research; (e) Genetic Engineering/Recombinant DNA (rDNA): transferring a DNA segment from one organism and
inserting it into the DNA of another. The two may be totally unrelated –
spiders and goats; and, (f) DNA Analysis: including polymerase chain reaction (PCR) to make
copies of a DNA segment and RFLP mapping (restriction fragment length
polymorphism) to detect patterns in DNA that may indicate the presence of a trait gene. Both PCR and RFLP analysis are used in
"DNA fingerprinting" for genealogical studies and forensics. ‘Junk genes’, i.e. genes for which no
trait can currently be attributed are problematic: how does one test for a trait
not expressed and that may never have been expressed, and if expressed may doom
an organism?
2.0 Economics 2.1 Economics can be defined as the study of the allocation of scarce
resources to satisfy an evolving and expanding spectrum of human wants, needs
and desires. Economics began as a
‘moral science’, emerging from medieval or ‘scholastic’, and then ‘humanistic’,
philosophy, to become the first of the ‘social sciences’. As a discipline of thought, economics,
conventionally breaks down into micro-economics, i.e. the study of
individual economic agents like consumers, firms and markets; and, macro-economics, i.e., the study of the
(national) economy as a whole and its aggregate parts such as national income,
consumption, investment and government spending as well as international
trade.
2.2 The taxonomical organization of information at the micro-economic level is dominated by other disciplines, e.g. business accounting (a product of the so-called Commercial Revolution of the 15th and 16th centuries C.E.) and survey research (the product of the 20th century) as well as government tax and survey data that stretches back beyond the Doomsday Book of William I (The Conqueror) of England in 1066 C.E. Economists generally have to re-process the resulting evidence of these disciplines (quantitative and qualitative) to test theoretical models concerning the behaviour of consumers, firms and markets. Economics has not developed its own data collection system at the micro-level.2.3 The
taxonomical organization of information at the macro-economic level, however, is
dominated by the System of National Accounts (SNA) designed by economists and
implemented after the Second World War.
The SNA serves to inform macro-economic policy and decision at the
political and economic levels of the Nation-State. To the degree evidence generated by the
SNA is produced by ‘public servants’ its veracity is subject to bias similar to
all sources of ‘human intelligence’. 2.4 Between micro- and macro-economics, however, lays an ill-defined taxonomic territory sometimes called meso-economics. Here may be found most economics specialties distinguished from conventional micro- and macro-economics by the recognized peculiarities of their economic agents and/or of their macro-economic aggregates. 2.5 With
respect to the seven economic sub-disciplines to be used in this, and two
companion articles, peculiarities, or relevance for this paper,
include:
L - Industrial Organization: concerns the use and application of micro- and
macro-economic tools and techniques in the study of aggregates called
‘industries’ or ‘sectors’ of the economy including the so-called ‘biotechnology
sector’;
3.01 Traditionally,
epistemology has identified three units of knowing: quantity (primary), quality
(secondary) and values (tertiary) (Griffen 1991: 4). Knowledge thus extends above and beyond
the foundational ‘quantitative’ results of the experimental, value-free natural
& engineering sciences (NES). Another whole domain of knowledge is
inherently ‘value laden’ and generated by the essentially ‘non-experimental
methods’ of the humanities & the social sciences (HSS). Yet another domain embraces the world of
‘appearances’, of qualities: of colour and shade, of form and shape, of taste
and touch, of sight and sound - the Arts. Relationships between knowledge domains
is organic and osmotic rather than mechanical (e.g. Fig. 1: Genetic
Epistemics). And, in
the ‘humanist’ tradition, ultimately only the individual human being can ‘know’
such things. Everything else is
storage of extrasomatic knowledge, it is not ‘knowing’ and has, without
competent human intervention, no meaningfulness other than as an indecipherable
artifact.
3.02 By saying the
relationship between knowledge domains is organic, a metaphor is being
used. Metaphors and similes are
products of human language that permit one to connect and learn from different
types of knowledge, e.g. love is a red, red rose. The dominant metaphor for the Industrial
Revolution was the machine; the dominant metaphor for the emerging Biotech
Revolution is DNA. The Arts –
literary, media, performing and visual - have usually anticipated and
crystallized the changing dominant metaphors of human societies. Thus the Impressionist painters captured
the ambiguous nature of light revealed by late 19th and early
20th century physics while the Cubists captured the crystalline
relational reality of quantum physics (Hughes 1981), and today, performance
artists are shocking audiences with human ‘bodily fluids’ anticipating, perhaps,
the Biotech Revolution. 3.03 Each Nation-State institutionalizes knowledge, e.g. universities, libraries, laboratories, etc., in keeping with its own distinct history and traditions. In fact, each country ‘institutionally’ structures knowledge using its own distinct “national” epistemology. There are therefore different and distinct cultural epistemologies reflecting different rankings for given domains, e.g. the Islamic Republic of Iran, as an official theocracy, places religious values ahead of ‘scientific’ ones. Actual prioritization - "putting your money where your mouth is" - is reflected by the amount of public monies devoted to any given knowledge domain, its disciplines and sub-disciplines and its ‘preferred’ methodologies and techniques. 3.04 For our purpose, the Canadian institutional taxonomy serves as a case in point.
the natural &
engineering sciences (NSE: the Natural
& Engineering Research Council of Canada), the humanities & social sciences (HSS: the Social Sciences & Humanities Research Council of Canada); and, the Arts (the 3.05 Two questions, among others, need to be answered concerning the specific Canadian pattern. First, where is the Medical Research Council of Canada (MRC)? And, second, why do the humanities come first? With respect to the MRC, it has, in effect, feet firmly planted in two domains NES & HSS. This is reflected by the Hypocratic Oath and the limitations on medical experimentation with human beings. Given ‘art therapies’ plays an increasingly important role in medical intervention, one can argue that the MRC is connected to all three primary knowledge domains. With respect to the humanities, historically it was from the humanities that the social sciences emerged. Furthermore, placing the humanities first highlights the inherently ‘value laden’ phenomenology of the HSS knowledge domain. 4.01 Four sets of
high-level connexions will be drawn in this introductory article:
· biology/economics; · biology/epistemology;· economics/epistemology; and, · biology/economics/epistemology. i)
Biology/Economics 4.02 The historical connexion between biology and economics began before the foundation of modern economics which was laid by Adam Smith’s An Inquiry into the Wealth of Nations in 1776. The French Physiocrats (before, during but not after the French Revolution) argued that the economic surplus fuelling growth in the wealth of nations originated with agriculture. While displaced by the 4.03 In the case of biotechnology, especially rDNA techniques, ‘non-conventional’ production processes dominate, at least at present. Once a line of organisms is established, e.g. goats genetically modified to produce spider silk or human growth hormones, the line becomes self-perpetuating and, by definition, breeds true creating a near endless output for the price of feed grain and/or pasture land. The factories literally reproduce themselves. The biotech invention process is currently dominated by university-based scientists and researchers who either create firms in conjunction with their host institutions or leave to ‘start-up’ a biotech firm (Zucker, L.G. et al 1998). In either case commercial viability depends on recognition and protection of intellectual property rights, especially patents. The issue of intellectual property rights will be explored in the next paper in this series: Part II – Industrial Organization.
4.04 In many ways,
however, invention of a new rDNA ‘factory organism’ is but the first step
towards an economically viable product.
The output of such new organisms must be collected, purified and
processed then ‘mass produced’.
It is at this stage that more conventional scaleable ‘industrial’
processes as well as financing re-enters the picture. Nonetheless, the economics of organic
production are significantly different from secondary manufacturing industries
as well as primary ‘extractive’ industries such as mining, natural gas and oil
production. 4.05 Given the range of potential outputs from (e.g. foods, medicines, materials, information processing technologies) as well as the unique production methods of biotechnology, e.g. rDNA, the stage is set for a change in the nature of the economy. In this regard, venture capital serves as a proxy for the emerging importance of biotechnology. According to the tracking service VentureReporter.net, biotech ranked third among tech sectors - behind software and network infrastructure, and ahead of wireless, optical, broadband and semiconductors - in venture funds raised in the fourth quarter of 2001 during which time biotech start-ups reaped $US 613-million (Reuter, “Biotech reaps VC cash”, January 16, 2002.). The future of biotechnology and its impact on the economy will be the subject of the third paper in this series: Part III – Preferred and Probable Futures. ii) Biology/Epistemology iii)
Economics/Epistemology
4.07
Economics made a choice early
in its history to adopt a mechanistic, physics-based model of the economy as a
machine. Differential calculus, the
gift of Isaac Newton, to the world of ‘astral mechanics’ or astronomy was picked
up by economics as the leitmotiv of
economic behaviour, e.g. constrained maximization of consumer utility and firm
profit. It is interesting to note
that Newton apparently considered his ‘differential engine of analysis’ to be of
secondary importance to his work in alchemy, and that, similarly, Goethe did, in
fact, considered his plays and poems of secondary importance to his Theory of Colours, a powerfully reasoned
artistic response to Netwon’s physics
of colour – the spectrum (Goethe 1810).
Neither knew of the vast horizons, on either side of the visible
spectrum, that have become new event horizons for human thought.
4.08
Through time there have been
various attempts at biological modeling economics (Boulding 1953; Eaton 1984;
Ghisekin 1978; Ginsberg 1931; Penrose 1952). None, to date, has taken root. Today, however, the New Institutionalism and Evolutionary Economics are probing the
organic tolerance of orthodoxy.
Results will be assessed in the third paper in this series: Part III – Preferred and Probable Futures.
4.09
Finally, for economics
epistemology is a tool, an instrument.
It has utilitarian value, e.g., to make a profit (or increase the wealth
of nations). Thus the OECD’s use of terms such as:
know-what, know-why, know-who as well as codified vs. tacit, represents forms of
‘instrumental knowledge’ (OECD 1996).
Similarly, national innovation systems are utilitarian institutions not
necessarily concerned with ‘higher’ or the ethotic use of knowledge. If
knowledge is organized, systematized and retrievable information then
understanding is the ability to grasp the meaning and implications of the resulting
knowledge. And then there is
wisdom, one flight above, resulting from the sufficient accumulation of
philosophic or scientific knowledge to discern inner qualities and
relationships, to have insight, and, to exercise good sense and judgement.
4.10 One of the great
insights provided by biology is that there is but one biosphere shared by all
humanity. Given that Economics,
Ecology and Ekistics share the same Greek root and refer, respectively, to:
management of the house; activities taking place in and around the house; and,
human settlement, then a reasonable epistemological conclusion would be the
emergence of a global- as opposed to a macro-(national)-economics for planetary
management; the care and cultivation of its environment and the
organically-sound settlement of its limited acreage (as well as reaching out to
settlement resources beyond the semi-permeable membrane of Earth’s
atmosphere).
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The Knowledge-Based
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OECD, National Innovation Systems, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development ,Reaney, P., “Scientists build tiny computer from DNA”, Reuters, Thursday November 22, Sagan, C., The Dragons of Eden, Balantine, NY.,
1977. Penrose, E. T., “Biological Analogies in the Theory of the Firm”, American Economic Review. Dec. 1952, 42(5):804-819. Zucker, L. G. et al. “Intellectual Capital and the Birth of Industrial Dynamics 0.01 In Part I it was established that biology is one of three elemental natural and engineering sciences. Taxonomically, biology is organized, at present, into the study of six kingdoms of living things: animal, vegetable, fungi, bacteria, protists (slime molds, algae, amoebas, and seaweed), and most recently, archea (archaic anaerobic bacteria-like organism). Phenomenologically, ‘living things’ exhibits distinctive characteristics: (a) they are organized into cells separated one from the other and from the environment by a semi-permeable osmotic membrane; (b) they have an internal metabolism; (c) they exhibit homeostasis; (d) they grow; (e) they reproduce; and, (f) they evolve. Methodologically, unlike it sister natural sciences - chemistry and physics, biology also carries legal and moral imperatives constraining exercise of the experimental method especially when human beings are the subject but also, and increasingly, when higher life forms are involved. 0.02 While biotechnology, in the sense of manipulating living things for human purposes, has existed throughout history, modern biotechnology began with identification (1956), and subsequently development of techniques (1970s) for the direct manipulation of the DNA helix – the molecular basis of heredity. This has produced a ‘scientific revolution’ (Kuhn 1962). In effect, the previous biological paradigm focused on the ‘gross’ morphology, i.e. the form and structure, of the increasing complex and diverse life forms generated by evolution. Epistemologically, with this scientific revolution biological complexity and diversity became simplified into the polymorphous arrangement of five chemical ‘bases’: cytosine, guanine, adenine, thymine, and uraci (found only in RNA, not in DNA). Technologically, this simplification permitted biology to begin to mix, match and manipulate the characteristics and biochemical behaviour of all six kingdoms of life. Economically, it produced a new sector of economic activity that increasingly affects virtually all industries, e.g., agriculture, chemicals, construction, farming, forestry, health care, information technology, mining and pharmaceuticals. 0.03 In Part I it was also established that economics is taxonomically partitioned into three primary parts: micro-, macro- and meso-economics. Furthermore, within meso-economics one subdiscipline, Industrial Organization (IO), serves to link microeconomic behaviour of consumers, firms and markets with the overall aggregate macro-economy. 0.04 IO was the brain-child of the late Joe Bain. His seminal work - Industrial Organization - was first published in 1959 (Bain 1968). Using IO, Bain began what has become an ongoing process within the economics profession of linking macroeconomics (the study of the economy as a whole) to microeconomics (consumer, producer and market theory) to better understand the way the ’real’ world works.
0.05 The IO scheme (Exhibit 1) consists of four parts. First, basic conditions face an industry on the supply- (production) and demand-side (consumption) of the economic equation. Second, each industry has a distinctive structure or organizational character. Third, enterprise in an industry tend to follow typical patterns of conduct or behavior in adapting and adjusting to a specific but ever changing and evolving marketplace. Fourth, an industry achieves varying levels of performance with respect to contemporary socio-economic-political goals. 0.06 The IO model will guide the argument to be presented in this paper. Four elemental economic terms will be used. First, buyers and sellers exchange of goods and services in markets - geographic and/or commodity-based. Second, an enterprise is any entity engaging in productive activity - with or without the intention of making a profit. This thus includes profit, nonprofit and public enterprise as well as self-employed individuals. All enterprises have scarce resources and are accountable to shareholders and/or the public and the courts. An enterprise is defined in terms of total assets and operations controlled by a single management empowered by a common ownership. Third, an industry is a group of sellers of close-substitutes to a common group of buyers, e.g. the automobile industry. Fourth, a sector is a group of related industries and thus the automobile, airline and railway industries form part of the transportation sector. The concept of ‘sector’ was introduced into economics by Colin Clark in 1940 to describe groups or clusters of industries that exhibit distinctive characteristics, e.g. primary, secondary and tertiary industries (Wolfe 1955). 0.07 For purposes of this paper biotechnology is assumed to constitute a distinct sector of the economy based upon manipulation of the DNA helix and messenger RNA that generates proteins or the building blocks of life which is the subject of a relatively new subdiscipline, proteomics. Thus use and application of a complex of techniques involving genetic analysis and engineering, rather than production of specific goods and services, serves as the foundation for the industrial organization of the biotech sector.
This
powerful technology base, combined with the development of enhancing
technologies, such as genomics, bioinformatics, and proteomics, is speeding up
the identification of genes that control valuable traits, shrinking the
timelines to commercialize new products, and expanding the commercial potential
of biotechnology across a growing number of market sectors, including
agriculture (Shimoda 1998)
0.08
These
techniques can be used to generate new and improved goods and services in many
industries, e.g., herbicide-tolerant and
insect-resistant plants in agriculture (Oehmke 2002), improved textiles (Noble
2002), and, bio-computers (Reaney 2001).
In this sense, biotechnology is a pervasive disembodied or enabling
technology generating general progress and improvement across the economy. As will be seen, biotechnology is a
‘process technology’ used to generate new or improved inputs for other
producers, i.e., biotech goods and services are intermediary or producer goods
rather than final or consumer goods.
0.09
In this paper I will only highlight selected salient aspects of the IO model of the biotech sector. It should be noted that I have entitled
this paper “Industrial Dynamics’ rather than ‘Industrial Organization’ because
the biotech sector is in its early stages of development and, as will be seen,
it is in a state of flux.
1.01
Basic conditions in an
industry involve demand for its outputs and supply of its inputs. I will first review demand conditions
and then supply conditions in the biotech sector.
1.02
On the demand-side, biotech
is a ‘process’ or ‘enabling’ technology (Research & Analysis 2000, p. 7)
used by firms to generate new or improved inputs for producers of final or
consumer goods and services, i.e., the results of biotech are ‘intermediary
goods or services’ used by other producers, not by final consumers. In agriculture, for example, firms use
biotechnology to produce new or improved seeds, e.g., herbicide-tolerant or
insect-resistant seeds for use by farmers.
Thus demand is from farmers not final consumers. Similarly in the pharmaceutical
industry, firms use biotech to produce new or improved drugs for use by doctors
in treating patients, i.e., demand is generated by physicians as an input to a
treatment regime for patients. Thus
demand is from physicians not final consumers.
1.03
There is, however, an
important dimension of final demand for biotech products. While consumers tend not to be concerned
about production methods in the automobile industry, e.g., whether by workers or
robots, there is well documented consumer concern about biotechnology in
production of final goods and services (Katz 2001). Thus consumer attitudes towards
biotechnology can play a significant role in encouraging or inhibiting use and
application as well as development of biotechnology.
1.04
Given the legal and moral
constraints on the experimental method in biology it is not surprising that
legal, moral and ethical concerns are expressed about biotechnology. Thus while the scientific community is
primarily concerned with generating new knowledge and producers are primarily
concerned about efficiency and profits, consumers harbour deep-seated cultural
and moral values about the manipulation of living things for human
purposes. This concern is apparent
in the description of genetically modified foods by some consumer groups as
‘frankenfoods’ (the reference being to Mary Shelley’s 1818 book:
Frankenstein; or, The Modern Prometheus). It is interesting to note,
etymologically, that the word ‘biology’ entered the English vocabulary from the
German in 1819.
1.05
Consumer and public
sector attitudes towards biotechnology products tend to vary across countries
and cultures. Thus in the
1.06
The implication of consumer attitudes
towards biotechnology may have profound implications for the competitiveness of
companies and countries. To the
degree consumer resistance inhibits the development of different lines of
biotechnology, e.g., genetically modified foods v. medical goods and services,
different countries will tend to develop relative strengths or weaknesses. Thus there appears to be a movement of
fetal tissue researchers out of the
1.07
On the supply-side of the
biotech sector, the dominant factor is generation of new knowledge and
development of facilitating technologies.
In this regard it is important to distinguish between intrinsic and instrumental values (Jantsch 1967,
p.51). Intrinsic knowledge is
valuable in and of itself. It
improves our understanding of the world and the way it works. It corresponds to fundamental knowledge
where the value is “knowledge-for-knowledge’s sake”. Instrumental knowledge, by contrast, is
valuable because it allows us to do things, e.g., create new or improved goods
and services that either contribute to human well-being or serve to achieve
other human ends such as military victory or making a profit. Instrumental knowledge corresponds to
the OECD’s use of: know-what, know-why, know-how and know-who. All relate to the competitiveness of
nations and companies in a knowledge-based economy (OECD 1996, p.12). Instrumental knowledge is thus an input
rather than a final good or service.
1.08
With respect to production of
new biotech knowledge, a contrast can be drawn between the capital requirements
of biotechnology and high energy physics.
In high energy physics, the rising cost and scale of equipment, e.g.,
synchrotrons and particle accelerators, required to generate new knowledge and
test hypotheses increasingly limits experimentation and the generation of new
knowledge. In biotechnology, by
contrast, the cost of equipment, e.g., gene synthesizers, is relatively modest.
The contrast may reflect the
different stages of development of the science involved. Thus biotechnology is a relatively
recent and revolutionary development (30 years old) while high energy physics is
a well-established discipline dating back to the late 19th
century.
1.09
In this regard, major
information technology companies have made significant commitments (IBM to MDS
Proteomics, Hitachi to Myriad Genetics, Compaq to Celera Genomics) in the belief
that the huge data-crunching needs of nascent biotechnology firms will grow into
a multi-billion dollar market for IT equipment and consulting services over the
next decade (Reuters January 11, 2002).
These developments also include joint ventures (e.g.
1.10
On the labour-side, in the
past it was physicist and chemists (as well as engineers) who were most sought
after by commercial enterprise. Today, however, the increasingly
pervasive nature of biotechnology has created significant new employment and
entrepreneurial opportunities for biological researchers and scientists (Zucker
et al 1998). Audretsch and Stephan found that 50% of
‘scientific founders’ of new biotech pharmaceutical firms had followed a
traditional academic career trajectory while only 12.5% had established their
careers exclusively with large pharmaceutical companies like SmithKline or
Beckman (Audretsch and Stephan 1999, p. 103).
1.11
In a sense, all physical
capital is knowledge capital in that new plant and equipment embodies
instrumental knowledge.
Furthermore, as established in Part I, ultimately only the individual
human being can ‘know’. Everything
else is storage of extrasomatic knowledge, it is not ‘knowing’ and has, without
competent human intervention, no meaningfulness other than as an indecipherable
artifact. This is especially true
in a new and rapidly emerging industrial sector like biotechnology. Put another way:
The ultimate repositories of technological knowledge in
any society are the men comprising it, and it is just this knowledge which is
effectively summarized in the form of a transformation function. In itself a firm possesses no
knowledge. That which is available
to it belongs to the men associated with it. Its production function is really built
up in exactly the same way, and from the same basic ingredients, as society’s.
(Graf 1957)
2.01 Structure refers
to the organizational characteristics of an industry or market, e.g., the number
and nature of buyers and sellers.
Structure is affected by the basic conditions of supply and demand in the
industry. As noted by Phillips and
Khachatourians (2001) about development of genetically modified canola in
Canadian agricultural biotech, there has been significant structural evolution
of the sector over a relatively short period of time. In general, the biotechnology sector, on
the production or supply-side, is currently dominated by five distinct yet
interactive agents: universities (including teaching hospitals), innovators (or
“stars”), newly founded small- to medium-sized biotechnology firms (NBFs), large
well-established firms (especially agro-chemical, seed and pharmaceutical
companies) and the public sector (government). Collectively they function like a
network with each agent specializing in a particular phase of biotech research,
development and marketing (Auroa and Gambardella 1990). In addition there are trade associations
and other professional societies that are active, e.g., Biotechnology Industrial
Organization (a U.S.-based advocacy group)
http://www.bio.org/.
2.02 The original work
leading to modern biotechnology took place within universities (e.g., Watson and
Crick’s identification of the DNA helix at
2.03 Within the university there
are leading researchers or ‘stars’ who play a significant role as innovators
within the biotechnology sector of the economy. Of some 207 biotech ‘stars’ identified
by Zucker et al, 158 (76%) were
resident in universities, 44 (21%) in research institutes and only 5 (3%) in
commercial firms (Zucker et al 1998:
293). Like Watson, Crick and Berg
such ‘stars’ have the talent, knowledge and experience that leads them to new
insights and breakthroughs. Their
high profile tends to attract the best students who, in turn, become the ‘stars’
of the next generation. They
also tend to attract the attention of the large well established firms.
2.04 It has been argued, using a
life-cycle model, that most scientists invest in developing a reputation early
in their careers usually through publication in journals that signal the value
of their knowledge to the scientific community. With maturity they seek ways to
appropriate the economic value of their knowledge, e.g. through consultancy,
work (full- or part-time) with established enterprise outside of the university
or by joining or establishing a new firm (Audretsch and Stephan 1999). This appears to be especially true in
biotechnology.
2.05 In the case of ‘scientific
founders’ of new firms in pharmaceutical biotechnology some 50% followed the
academic trajectory; 28% established their careers with large pharmaceutical
companies; 13% followed a mix of the two while 6% established firms immediately
following their academic training (Audretsch and Stephan 1998). It has also been argued that many new
biotech firms are founded with the specific intent of selling them to large
established firms (Arora and Gambardella 1990, p. 362).
2.06 According to Zucker et al (1998) the number of American
companies actively engaged in biotechnology grew from virtually none in 1967 to
751 by 1990. Of these 511 or 68%
were new entrants, 150 incumbents (20%), and 90 (12%) including 18 joint
ventures that could not be formally classified. Furthermore, by 1990, 52 (7%) of the 751
had died or merged with other firms (Zucker et al 1998: 292). Zucker et al do not provide evidence regarding
the size or concentration ratios for biotech firms.
2.07 Using a different data set,
Biotechnology Industrial Organization (a U.S.-based advocacy group) reports
there were 1,311 biotech firms in 1995 increasing 5% to 1,379 in 2001 (Table
1). More significantly market
capitalization of biotechnology firms increased 700% from $US 41 billion in 1995
to $US 339 billion in 2001. With
respect to firm size, the average biotech firm increased from a capitalization
of about $US 31 million in 1995 to $240 million in 2001. United States Biotechnology Industry 1993-2001
Year
2001
2000
1999
1998 1997 1996 1995
Sales*
18.1 16.1
14.5 13
10.8 9.3
7.7
Revenues*
25.0 22.3
20.2 17.4
14.6 12.7 11.2
R&D Expense*
13.8 10.7
10.6 9
7.9
7.7
7
Net Loss*
5.8
5.6
4.4
4.1
4.5
4.6
4.1
Market Capitalization*
330.8
353.5
137.9
93 83
52
41
Number of Public Companies 339
300
316
317
294
260
265
Number of Companies
1,379
1,273
1,311
1,274 1,287 1,308 1,311
Employees (‘000)
174
162
155
141
118
108
103 *
$ Source:
Biotechnology Industrial Organization, 2002,
http://www.bio.org/er/statistics.asp
2.08 At this time it is not
possible to estimate the impact of the late 2001 stock market meltdown (collapse
of the dot.com economy) on market capitalization of biotech firms. However, the National Venture Capital
Association reported that biotech start-ups raised about $4.3-billion through
the first three quarters of 2001, compared with about $5.2-billion in the first
three quarters of 2000. While this represented
a 17-per-cent drop year-over-year, biotech financing compared favourably to
overall venture funding of privately held companies which fell 63 per cent
between the first three quarters of 2000 and the first three quarters of 2001
(Reuters, January 16, 2002).
2.09 In
Canadian Key Industry Data by Company Size,
1997 ($Cdn Millions)
Source: BIOTECanada, Canadian Biotechnology’98, Success from Excellence,
1999.
2.10 By sector, 46% of reporting
Canadian biotech firms were engaged in health care; 22% in agriculture; 11% in
environment; 7% in food processing; 4% in aquaculture; 3% in bio-informatics;
and 7% could not be classified (Table 3).
Canadian Key Industry
Data by Sector, 1997 (Per Cent)
Source: BlOTECanada, Canadian Biotechnology ‘98, Success from Excellence,
1999
d) Large Firms 2.11 Reliable data about large biotech firms is available only for agro-biotechnology, specifically plant biotech (Table 4). Drawing on work by Brennan et al (2000), Fulton and Giannakas (2001) indicate that the 4 largest firms accounted for 100% of plant biotech activity with one company, Pharmacia, accounting for 88% of all activity in 1998. No estimates were provided regarding the value of plant biotech activity by the 4 dominant firms. 2.12 The trend towards increased concentration is also indicated by merger and acquisition activity of the major firms (Table 5). The ten largest firms in 1998 were involved in 205 consolidations of one form or another of which 68% (140) were acquisitions; 5% (11) were mergers, 6% (13) were joint ventures, and 21% (41) were other forms of industrial consolidation.
2.13 While data is not
available for the pharmaceutical industry, the other major player in
biotechnology, the overlap with agro-biotechnology is suggestive that a similar
level of concentration and consolidation is probably taking place in that
sub-sector of biotechnology.
Thus Pharmacia (Monsanto), DuPont, Bayer, Dow and others, listed in
Tables 4 and 5, are also active in pharmaceuticals. World Sales of Top Ten Pesticide and Seed Companies 1997-1999 (Fulton and Giannakas,
2001) Company
1997
1997
1999
1998
Pesticides
Seed
Seed
Plant
Biotech
Millions
$US DuPont (Pioneer)
Pharmacia (Monsanto)
Syngenta (Novartis)
Groupe Limagrain
( Grupo Pulsar (Seminis)
Advanta (AstraZeneca and Cosun)
2,674
437
416
—
Sakata ( KWS AG ( Dow Adventis Group (Hoechst/Rhone-Poulenc)
4,554
—
—
8% Bayer
2,254
—
—
— American Home Products
2,119
—
—
— BASF
1,855
—
—
— Sumitomo
717
—
—
— Agribiotech
—
425
—
— KWS
—
329
—
— Takii
—
300
—
— Total World Sales
30,900
23,000
24,700
— CR4
47%
23%
21%
100% CR10
85%
32%
31%
100% Note. From "Impact of Industry Concentration on
Innovation in the Consolidation Activity for the Ten Most Active
Biotechnology Firms, 1998 (Fulton and Giannakas,
2001) Company
Mergers
Acquisitions
Joint
Other
Total
Ventures Monsanto
1
15
4
17
37 AgriBiotech
1
30
0
5
36 Novartis
3
21
1
0
25 AgrEvo/Aventis
2
15
3
2
22 AstraZeneca
0
14
1
1
16 Limagrain
0
15
0
1
16 Empressa La Moderna
1
10
0
5
16 Rhone-Poulenc Agro
3
6
2
2
13 DuPont
0
3
2
8
13 DeKalb Genetics
0
11
0
0
11 Total
[added by author]
11
140
13
41
205 Note. From "Impact of Industry Concentration on
Innovation in the
2.14 The final actor in the biotech sector is government, or more properly the public sector at all levels and in many different forms. These varying forms include: national and regional research councils as well as specialized research institutes; departments and agencies of government (national and regional) including their regulatory activities and direct grants to industry, development of intellectual property laws and regulations protecting new biotech knowledge; publicly funded universities and colleges; and, national systems of innovation (OECD 1997) 2.15 To put the public sector contribution in perspective, in 1997 total Canadian biotech R&D spending amounted to $Cdn 770 million of which the federal government accounted for $314 million (41%) not including R&D in support of regulations while private industry contributed $341 million (44%), and, not-for-profit institutes contributed $115 million (15%) (Industry Canada 1998, p.4). 2.16 Biotech research represented about 10% of the entire federal government research budget in 1997. Of a total of $Cdn 314 million spent on biotech R&D: the Medical Research Council accounted for $104 million (33%); the National Research Council $90 million (29%); the federal department of Agriculture and Agri-Food $40 million (13%); and, other federal departments and agencies $80 million (25%) (Research & Analysis 2000, p. 14).
2.17 Thus publicly funded research
councils and specialized research institutes are very active in supporting
‘pure’ and ‘applied’ biotechnology research. As noted by Phillips and Khachatourians
(2001) about development of genetically modified canola in Canadian agricultural
biotech, the National Research Council of Canada played a leadership role in the
1950 to 1985 period. In February
2000 the Government of Canada announced $160 million in funding to Genome
2.18 In addition to support to
research councils, government departments and agencies make industrial R&D
and other grants to individual biotech companies. Furthermore, the public sector spends on
regulatory activities to ensure, among other things, bio-engineered food and
drug safety. At present data is not
available about the total amount of public grants to the private sector nor the
cost of biotech regulatory activities in
2.19 Intellectual property rights, especially patents, serve as the legal foundation for the industrial organization of the biotech sector. Such rights are established by national governments and are subject to certain restraints through international treaties and conventions. The development of biotech patents and related intellectual property rights has been crucial to the development of the biotech sector and is the result of public sector decision-making. More will be said about the role of intellectual properties under Conduct (below).
2.20 The final strand in public
support to the biotech sector is the national system of innovation (NSI). Phillips and Khachatourians (2001),
quoting Metcalfe, define a NSI as “that set of distinct institutions which
jointly and individually contribute to the development and diffusion of new
technology and which provides the framework within which governments form and
implement policies to influence the innovation process. As such it is a system of interconnected
institutions to create, store and transfer the knowledge, skills and artifacts
which define new technologies.”
Subsequently, the OECD formalized the concept of
2.21 Governments around the world
are now consciously designing NSI’s in an effort to enhance their
competitiveness (Pagan 1999). The
biotech sector is one of the chief objects of such NSI’s. However, the role of multinational
corporations is generating stresses and strains on the successful operation of
3.01 Conduct refers to the pattern of behaviour that enterprise follows in adapting or adjusting to an ever changing marketplace. Conduct depends on the structure of an industry, e.g. the nature and number of buyers and sellers. With respect to the biotech sector two aspects of conduct will be examined: (a) the bilateral relationships between the five prime biotech agents described under Structure (above); (b) the role of intellectual property rights in the conduct of these agents.
3.02 Given five prime
agents described under Structure
(above) there are potentially 15 sets of bilateral relationships (Figure 2). This
includes relations between peers, e.g., between universities or between levels
of government such as federal-provincial arrangements. It excludes, however, multilateral
relationships between more than three or more agents, e.g., joint projects
between universities, newly established biotech firms and the public
sector. At the extreme, such
multilateral relations would constitute the biotech section of a national system
of innovation that will be examined separately in the next paper in this series:
Part III – Performance, Preferred &
Probable Futures. 3.03 Five of the fifteen bilateral relations have, to one degree or another, been formally examined in the literature. Relations between innovators and newly established biotech firms have, at least in part, been examined by Zucker et al (1998) and by Audretsch and Stephan (1999). Three of the 15 have been examined by Auroa and Gambardella (1990) specifically the relations between universities and large established firms, between newly established biotech firms and large companies, and, between large firms. Relations between universities and the public sector, in the case of the agrofood sub-sector of biotechnology have been examined (in part) by Wolf and Zilberman (1998). No formal studies were found regarding the remaining 10 bilateral relations between the five prime agents of the biotech sector (Exhibit 2). Figure 2 Biotechnology Bilateral Agent Matrix
* Zucker et al (1998); Audretsch and
Stephan 1999 ** Auroa and Gambardella
1990 *** Wolf and Zilberman
1998 3.03 Zucker et al highlight the role of innovators (or ‘stars’) in the founding of new biotech firms (Zucker et al 1998). Audretsch and Stephan also focused on the role of academic innovators in founding new biotech firms emphasizing the ‘appropriation’ and commercialization of knowledge developed during an academic career (Audretsch and Stephan 1999). 3.04 Auroa and Gambardella focused on the complementary strengths of universities, new biotech firms and large established companies. New biotech firms have ‘lab bench’ knowledge or ‘know-how’ as well as specific new biotech products that are prized by large companies. On the other hand, the large firms have the knowledge and ability to scale up innovations of the new firms as well as the experience, expertise and resources to push such discoveries through the regulatory and testing processes required by the public sector. Universities with a focus on basic research are supported by larger firms in order to interact with university scientists, gain familiarity with basic research and, potentially, to have first option on the commercialization of any discoveries. Four types of external links by the large firms were identified by Auroa and Gambardella: (i) research and/or joint development agreements with other firms (peer-to-peer); (ii) research agreements with universities; (iii) investments in new biotech firms; and, (iv) acquisition of new firms (Auroa and Gambardella 1990). 3.05 Wolf and Zilberman begin by noting that: “The most important agricultural biotechnology innovations originated in universities, were transferred to start-up companies, and were then absorbed by global corporations (Wolf and Zilberman 1999, p. 37). They go on to argue that the university and public sector have a crucial role to play in fostering a decentralized and differentiated system of innovation outside the direct control of the large firms in order to maintain the potential for “radical innovation”. 3.06 The biotech sector was founded on the creation of new knowledge of both intrinsic and instrumental value. But how can such new knowledge be converted into economic property that can be bought and sold and protected from theft and/or trespass? This is a critical question for biotechnology affecting the evolving structure of the sector and the conduct of firms as well as relations between nation states (Kerr et al 1999; Lesser 1998). i - Economic Evolution of Intellectual Property 3.07 Knowledge is abstract. It is not like a car or a house which can be locked and secured against theft. In economic terms, knowledge is non-excludable. Furthermore, if someone gains knowledge it does not reduce that available to others. In economic terms, knowledge is non-rivalrous. Essentially there are two ways of turning knowledge into economic property. One is secrecy, i.e., hiding it and restricting its availability. The second is intellectual property law, including copyright, patent, registered industrial design and trademark legislation and international conventions. As will be seen below, with respect to biotechnology, intellectual property rights provide the legal foundation for the industrial organization of the sector. 3.08 Secrecy is used to protect two types of knowledge: trade secrets and “know-how”. Trade secrets such as the formula for Coca-Cola are protected by private means. In the case of electronic data this includes encryption and “password” technologies. Know-how refers to knowing how to do things, e.g. how to organize a construction project. Know-how is held by employees. Generally it is protected by contract legally binding an employee to secrecy. When a corporation or government finds its secrets have been betrayed legal recourse is available through the courts. 3.09 Formal intellectual property rights (IPRs), such as copyrights, patents, registered industrial designs and trademarks, are created by the State as a protection of, and incentive to, creativity which otherwise could be used freely by others. In economic terms, without legislation knowledge suffers from a free-rider problem. In return, the State expects creators to make their work available and that a market will be created in which such work can be bought and sold. But while the State wishes to encourage creativity, it does not want to foster harmful market power. Accordingly, the State builds in limitations to the rights granted to the creator. Such limitations embrace both time and space. Rights are granted for a fixed period of time, and protect only the fixation of creativity in material form. Eventually, therefore, intellectual property enters what is known as the public domain where it may be used by everyone without charge or limitation. 3.10 A distinction can be made between the four principal types of IPR based on the matrix on which creativity is impressed. In copyright, expression is fixed in a material matrix that has no utilitarian value, e.g., a book makes a second rate door jam. Industrial design impresses aesthetic value onto a matrix that is useful in its own right – a decorated coffee cup remains a coffee cup. A patent impresses utilitarian function on the matrix itself – an electromagnetic door jam is a new type of door jam. Trademarks embody the ‘identity’ of a company, business or government. The matrix, like copyright, has no intrinsic value but unlike copyright, a trademark impresses not artistic expression but rather the ‘good will’ earned by a business or government department or agency from citizens, clients, customers and the general public. Also unlike other forms of intellectual property rights, trademarks are, potentially, capable of being extended without time limit.
3.11 The utilitarian
or commercial nature of industrial designs, patents and trademarks place them in
a legal category called ‘industrial property’. The peculiar nature of such property was
the subject of the first international intellectual property rights convention,
the Paris Convention for the Protection
of Industrial Property of
3.12 Such
international conventions, however, cover significant differences in the
intellectual property rights granted by individual nation states reflecting
their distinct histories and legal systems, e.g., Anglo-American Common Law
versus the European Civil Code tradition.
Thus each nation state can create a distinct set of intellectual property
rights quite different from other nations.
This ability of nations to ‘tailor’ intellectual property regimes has
significant implications for the future competitiveness of nations even under
free trade (Paquet 1990). In fact,
until conclusion of the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade (GATT) and creation of the World Trade Organization in 1995, IPRs were not
subject to formal international trade regulation or ‘harmonization’. Rather, they were subject to the milder
constraint of ‘national treatment’ imposed by international conventions such as
the 3.13 From an economics perspective, intellectual property rights are State-created transaction costs for firms. In order to obtain access to new knowledge firms must negotiate and pay licensing or other ‘royalties’. The term ‘royalties’ points to the evolutionary nature of intellectual property particularly, and business law in general. As noted by John R. Commons in The Legal Foundations of Capitalism (1924) what is business law today in the Anglo-American tradition was once the internal rules and practices of guilds and monopolies created by Crown grants of industrial privilege. The process came to a head with the 1624 British Statute of Monopolies that abolished the power of the guilds. This was part of an evolutionary process whereby the Common Law courts progressively stripped the guilds, with one notable exception, of their monopoly powers and assumed responsibility for their regulation.
The next hundred years, until the Act of Settlement in
1700, was substantially the struggle of farmers and business men to become
members of the Commonwealth, whereby they might have courts of law willing and
able to convert their customary bargains into a common law of property and
liberty. The court which abolished
the power of the gilds began to take over the work of the gilds. Their private jurisdiction became a
public jurisdiction. And the very
customs which the gilds endeavored to enforce within their ranks became the
customs which the courts enforced for the nation. The monopoly, the closed shop, and the
private jurisdiction were gone, but the economics and ethics remained. Much later, in the modern commonwealth,
other functions of the gilds, such as protection of the quality of the product
and the qualifications of practitioners, have also been taken over by courts or
legislatures (Commons 1924:
230).
3.14 The notable
exception to the Statute of
Monopolies of 1624 was the copyright monopoly maintained by the Stationners’
Company of London. It took another
hundred years for this copyright monopoly to be revoked by the Statute of Queen Anne (the first modern
copyright act) in 1710 (Chartrand 2000).
This Act, as well as the patent provisions of the 1624 British Statute of
Monopolies, (Scherer 1971, p. 381) served as the basis for Article I, Section 8
of the U.S. Constitution, the so-called ‘Intellectual Property Clause’:
The Congress shall have Power . . . To promote the
Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors
and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and
Discoveries; 3.15 It was, however, in 18th century British courts cases involving copyright that the legal concept of intangible property including business ‘goodwill’ became firmly established in the Anglo-American tradition. These decisions also affected evolution of patents and trademarks: The similar principle has been worked out in the law of patents and trade secrets. A secret process or invention, not yet given to the public nor patented, remains by operation of common law, the exclusive property of the inventor, and his secret cannot be wrested from him by fraud or communicated to or used by others through breach of confidence. Yet “whenever the inventor permits the invention to pass beyond the legally defined limits of his exclusive possession, his right to it ceases and the right of all mankind to it begins.”
In
other words, the old distinction between the possession of physical property and
liberty of contract becomes the distinction between the behavior of those
persons who are subject to command and obedience and the behavior of those
persons who are subject only to persuasion or coercion. “Economy” is the exclusive holding for
one's own use, according to one's own will, but the thing now held for one's own
use is not a physical thing, the manuscript, nor even the printed book, nor the
physical objects embodying an invention, but is the behavior of persons over
whom the owner retains the power of command and obedience, since they are his
employees, agents, friends, who are bound to obey his commands in their use of
the manuscript, book, or secret process.
(Commons 1924, pp. 281-2 3.16 Beyond the idiosyncratic legal evolution of intellectual property rights in the Anglo-American tradition, biotechnology presents distinct problems in obtaining intellectual property right protection. Biotechnological inventions fall into three categories. They are the processes for creation or modification of a living organism and biological material, the results of such processes, and the use of such results. Until the last generation, the concept of invention was generally limited to physics and chemistry because living organisms were thought outside the scope of technology, i.e., of direct human manipulation. However, with the ability to directly manipulate the hereditary characteristic of living things, the concept has been enlarged to cover biotechnological inventions. It is thus argued that if it is possible to control a biotechnological process and to describe it so that experts in the field can replicate it, then an invention has been made.
3.17 Nonetheless,
inventors in the field of biotechnology initially faced specific problems when
seeking protection. These problems
did not exist, at least to the same degree, in other areas of technology. The first is the problem of whether
there really is an invention rather than a discovery. If, for example, a microorganism is
isolated by a sophisticated process, it may be argued that it is not an
invention but a scientific discovery.
The counter argument is that the isolation requires an important
intervention using a highly sophisticated process that results
in a solution of a technical problem (WIPO 2001). In the 3.18 The second obstacle, which is more important, is that fact that many countries have express legislative provisions excluding certain categories of biotechnological inventions from patent protection or have yet to legislated rights required to protect them. Such restrictions and limitations vary significantly between countries thereby complicating the global development of biotechnology and the conduct of biotech firms. In addition, there appears to be significant confusion and uncertainty about the status of such rights which, in turn complicates the conduct of biotech firms. To demonstrate the problems, examples will be drawn from Canada, the European Union and the United States followed by a review of international intellectual property conventions of relevance to the biotech sector.
3.19 It is commonly
believed that genes are not patentable in
“We have been patenting genes for years," said Peter
Davies, chairman of the Patent Appeal Board, which is part of Industry
3.20 Patenting of single-celled
organisms, mainly bacteria or yeast cells, is permitted in
3.21 In the Pioneer Hi-Bred case
(1 S.C.R. 1623, affirming [1987] 3 F.C. 8) the Supreme Court of Canada affirmed
a Federal Court of Appeal’s decision that a novel soy-bean variety created by
cross-breeding was not adequately disclosed by the inventor so as to enable a
person skilled in the art to reproduce it based on the knowledge of the art and
the information contained within the patent application. The problem of ‘disclosing’ a biotech
patent on plants and microorganisms was resolved with an amendment to the
Canadian Patent Act in 1996 permitting the deposit of microorganisms. In September 1996
3.22
The status of ‘human stem
cell’ research remains unclear in Canada compared to the United States where it
is severely restricted and in Britain where it is legally allowed (BBC March 1,
2002). Guidelines proposed by
Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) on
3.23 A lack of case law as well as
formal legislation, e.g., concerning stem cells, leaves biotech business in
3.24 Article 53(b) of the European Patent Convention stipulates that European patents shall not be granted in respect of plant or animal varieties or essentially biological processes for the production of plants or animals (with the exception of microbiological processes and their products). 3.25 There are two reasons for this approach. Firstly, it was considered that granting such patents would create legal and administrative difficulties. Secondly, a special system of protection had been created in various countries with respect to plant varieties, and it was thought that this system should remain the only applicable one with respect to that category of inventions. 3.26 The special system of protection for plant varieties is different from patent protection in that it only concerns the marketing of propagating material (seed, etc.) but not the growing and marketing of plants themselves. The system of plant varieties rights is also different in respect of the conditions for protection and the protected acts. The special nature of this system is demonstrated by the fact that an international convention was concluded for the protection of new varieties of plants which is administered by a special organization, namely the International Union for the Protection of New Varieties of Plants (more below). 3.27 The exclusion of plant and animal varieties and essentially biological processes for the production of plants or animals is a feature existing in a number of national laws. EU countries with important biotechnology industries, however, do not expressly exclude certain types of biotechnological inventions from patenting (WIPO 2001).
3.28 Beyond formal
legislation, regulations play an important role in the conduct of biotech
firms. It is, for example, well
known that European Union regulatory attitude differs dramatically from
those in the
When it comes to agricultural biotechnology, public
policies in the United States (US) and the European Union (EU) have been
radically different. In the
3.29 The legal breakthrough facilitating the emergence of the modern American biotech industry was Diamond v. Chakrabarty in 1980 (see paragraph 3.18 above). Among other things this led to the U.S. Patent Office approving the patentability of Harvard mouse and higher life forms. However, the first explicit American biotech intellectual property rights were recognized in 1930 with passage of the Patents for Plants Act (35 U.S.C. § 161) which allowed “whoever invents or discovers and asexually reproduces any distinct and new variety of plant, including cultivated sports, mutants, hybrids, and newly found seedlings, other than a tuber propagated plant or a plant found in an uncultivated state, may obtain a patent therefore, subject to the conditions and requirements of this title.”
3.30 This initial act
was followed by the Plant Variety
Protection Act of 1970 (7
3.31 While the 3.32 Above national intellectual property rights and the refusal to recognize certain rights there is the umbrella of international trade agreements and intellectual property conventions. Essentially two international institutions are involved: the World Trade Organization and the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO). I will briefly review the origins and mandate of both organization and relevant biotechnology international instruments that they manage. v – The World Trade Organization (WTO)
3.33 With creation of
the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995 minimum international standards of
intellectual property right protection were established. All applicant countries for membership
in the WTO must sign all WTO agreements as a single package with a single
signature - making it, in diplomatic terms, a “single undertaking”. The “TRIPS Agreement” (Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of
Intellectual Property Rights including Trade in Counterfeit Goods) is part
of that single undertaking. Therefore it applies to all WTO members
(as of January 2002, 144 countries were members of the WTO)
http://www.wto.org/english/thewto_e/whatis_e/tif_e/org6_e.htm. 3.34 In summary:
In respect of each of the main areas of intellectual
property covered by the TRIPS Agreement, the Agreement sets out the minimum
standards of protection to be provided by each Member. Each of the main elements of protection
is defined, namely the subject-matter to be protected, the rights to be
conferred and permissible exceptions to those rights, and the minimum duration
of protection. The Agreement sets
these standards by requiring, first, that the substantive obligations of the
main conventions of the WIPO, the Paris Convention for the Protection of
Industrial Property (Paris Convention) and the Berne Convention for the
Protection of Literary and Artistic Works (Berne Convention) in their most
recent versions, must be complied with. With the exception of the provisions of
the Berne Convention on moral rights, all the main substantive provisions of
these conventions are incorporated by reference and thus become obligations
under the TRIPS Agreement between TRIPS Member countries. The relevant provisions are to be found
in Articles 2.1 and 9.1 of the TRIPS Agreement, which relate, respectively, to
the Paris Convention and to the Berne Convention. Secondly, the TRIPS Agreement adds a
substantial number of additional obligations on matters where the pre-existing
conventions are silent or were seen as being inadequate. The TRIPS Agreement is thus sometimes
referred to as a 3.35 There are three permissible exceptions to the basic TRIP’s rule on patentability with implications for the biotech sector. … One is for inventions contrary to ordre public or morality; this explicitly includes inventions dangerous to human, animal or plant life or health or seriously prejudicial to the environment. The use of this exception is subject to the condition that the commercial exploitation of the invention must also be prevented and this prevention must be necessary for the protection of ordre public or morality (Article 27.2). The second exception is that Members may exclude from patentability diagnostic, therapeutic and surgical methods for the treatment of humans or animals (Article 27.3(a)). The third is that Members may exclude plants and animals other than micro-organisms and essentially biological processes for the production of plants or animals other than non-biological and microbiological processes. However, any country excluding plant varieties from patent protection must provide an effective sui generis system of protection. Moreover, the whole provision is subject to review four years after entry into force of the Agreement (Article 27.3(b)). http://www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/trips_e/intel2_e.htm#generalprovisions 3.36 Unlike its predecessor (the General Agreement on Tariffs & Trade), , the WTO has the power through formal ‘dispute settlement mechanisms’ to enforce its rules and findings of unfair trade practices. This means that interpretation of treaty provisions is now subject to adjudication and revision unless the WTO chooses to explicitly exempt any given sector. The WTO, for the first time, regulates international trade in intellectual property through TRIPS. Previously IPRs were subject only to international IP conventions such as the 1886 Berne Copyright Convention administered by the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO). vi - World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO)
3.37 The World
Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) is an international organization
responsible for promoting the use and protection of intellectual property. With headquarters in
3.38 WIPO emerged out
of the Paris and Berne Conventions each of which set up an International Bureau
to carry out administrative tasks. In 1893, these two small bureaux united
to form the United International Bureaux for the Protection of Intellectual
Property (better known by its French acronym BIRPI) headquartered in
3.39 Of the 23
treaties administered by WIPO two have specific relevance for biotechnology:
the International Convention for the
Protection of New Varieties of Plant (1961, 1978, 1991) and the Budapest Treaty on the International
Recognition of the Deposit of Microorganisms for the Purposes of Patent
Procedure (1977, 1980).
3.40 The purpose of
the Convention is to ensure that member States acknowledge the achievements of
breeders of new plant varieties, by making available to them an exclusive
property right, on the basis of a set of uniform and clearly defined principles.
To be eligible for protection,
varieties have to be
· distinct from existing, commonly
known varieties; · sufficiently uniform;
· stable; and,
· new in the sense that they
must not have been commercialized prior to the date of the application for
protection 3.41 Both the 1978 and 1991 Acts set out minimum protection allowing member States extend protection through national legislation. The 1978 Act requires that the holder's prior authorization is necessary for commercial production, sale and marketing. The 1991 Act contains more detailed provisions and, exceptionally, where the holder has had no reasonable opportunity to exercise his right in relation to the propagating material, his authorization may be required in relation to any specified acts done with harvested material.
3.42 Like all intellectual
property rights, plant breeders’ rights are granted for a limited period of
time, at the end of which protected varieties pass into the public domain. The rights are also subject to controls,
in the public interest, against abuse.
In addition, authorization of the holder of a plant breeder's right is
not required for research purposes, including its use in the breeding of further
new varieties.
3.43 The Budapest Treaty on the International
Recognition of the Deposit of Microorganisms for the Purposes of Patent
Procedure (the Budapest Treaty) is a special agreement under the Paris
Convention and came into force on 3.44 When protection is sought in several countries, the complex and costly procedures of the deposit may need to be done in each country. The Budapest Treaty is intended to eliminate or reduce such duplication by allowing one deposit with any “international depositary authority” to serve the purpose of all member States.
3.45 An “international
depositary authority” is a scientific institution capable of storing
microorganisms. Such an institution
acquires status as an “international depositary authority” by the recommendation
of a
3.46 The final segment
of this paper: Part III – Performance,
Preferred & Probable Futures, the current performance of the biotech
sector will be assessed and its future forecast.
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Performance & Prospectus 0.01 In Part I, the groundwork for the Neo Physiocracy was laid with concepts and context defining the biotechnology sector of a global ‘knowledge-based’ economy. It was established that: · biology is one of three elemental natural and engineering sciences including chemistry and physics. Unlike it sisters, however, biology is engramed with inherent, yet varying, cultural (legal, moral, national and social) constraints on the application of the experimental method to living things and to which ones;
·
economics is loosely composed of
three parts: micro-, macro- and meso-economics. Once upon a time the dominant
school of economic thought was the Physiocrats of pre-Revolutionary
· epistemology, etymologically, defines ‘science’ by the Latin ‘to split nouns of kind or quality’ from which taxonomoy, in biology and other ‘sciences’ – moral, natural and social, emerged. Technology, on the other hand derives from the Greek techne for art, and logos for reason, i.e. reasoned art. Similarly, economics, ecology and ekistics share the same Greek root – oikos- referring, respectively, to: management of the house; activities taking place in and around the house; and, the science of human settlement. 0.02 In Part II, the basic IO taxonomy was used to organize evidence about the dynamics of the biotechnology sector. Only selected taxonomic slots of the IO model received evidentiary entries under Basic Conditions, Structure and Conduct. Evidence needs to be assembled and entry made for all slots to obtain a more robust understanding of the biotechnology sector. Evidence presented included: · the basic conditions of supply and demand including the role of ‘star’ innovators and ‘knowledge-preneurs’ in fuelling a spiraling cycle of technological change and the culturally and nationally varied resistance to biotechnological innovation; · the economic institutions (and their agents) – including ‘star’ inventors/innovators, nonprofit (including the traditional university), private and public institutions, price and market systems and ‘national systems of innovation’ - constitute the skeletal structure of the biotechnology sector; and, · examined the conduct of economic agents in ‘doing business’ including their reliance on an evolving system of national and global intellectual property rights. 0.03 Finally, below in Part III, I will: · assess the IO performance (the strategic end results of market conduct) of the biotechnology sector with respect to allocative & technical efficiency; conservation, equity progressiveness and the rights, regulations and national systems in which the sector operates; · sketch a prospectus of the biotechnology sector using technological forecasting linked to economic concepts of expectations (Keynes 1936) and futurity (Commons 1931, 1950); and, · subsequently conclude the argument that what agriculture was to the Physiocracy of the 18th century, biology, especially genetic biology, is to 21st century Neo Physiocracy:. It is the root (but not only source) of a distinctive form of 21st century economic and epistemological competitiveness and growth in a global knowledge-based economy. Etymologically, genetic biology and its emerging technologies are the ‘reasoned arts’ of biotechnology (Part I – 0.2(3): Epistemology). 1.01 IO performance refers to the strategic end results of the conduct of economic agents who act on behalf of institutions forming the skeletal structure of the sector. This structure, in turn, is rooted in basic supply and demand conditions. For purposes of this paper, four performance entries will be made about: a) allocative & technical efficiency b) conservation of time & equity in law; c) progressiveness in the cultivation of knowledge, talent and technique; and, d) rules, regulations, national and global systems a) Allocative & Technical Efficiency 1.02 Allocative and technical efficiency are ‘terms of the trade’ in economics that I interpret as: i - allocative (or economic) efficiency refers to the idealized outcome of perfect or ‘workable’ competition, specifically: no agent exercises market power; there are zero ‘economic’ profits; all factors of production receive their marginal revenue product; and, consumer & producer surpluses remain intact. Essentially, allocative efficiency involves the relationship between cost and price; ii - technical efficiency refers to achieving maximum output for minimum input without regard to ‘economic’ cost. Ideally, it represents ‘know-how’ or ‘can do’. Such ‘can do’ efficiency is especially important in military and other critical cultural activities. Essentially, technical efficiency involves attaining the minimum optimum scale of production – maximum output for minimum input -including vertical integration; and, iii - while allocative efficiency is always technically efficient, technical efficiency is not necessarily economically efficient.
1.03 Data from
Biotechnology Industrial Organization (Part II - Table 1: United States Biotechnology Industry,
1993-2001) and Ernst & Young (2000) indicate that the biotechnology sector
has not attained allocative efficiency. In 2001, the
1.04 How can a sector survive annual profit rates of -33%? The primary reason is business expectations (Part III – 2(a): Futurity, Expectations & Technological Forecasting, para. 2.01-2.12, below). There is, in effect, an economic consensus about the long-run profitability of biotechnology and its importance as an enabling technology. This consensus is rooted in the “animal spirits” of business expectations (Keynes 1936) that fuels the sometimes rollercoaster ride of equity markets responding to the ebb and flow of “creative destruction” (or innovation) emanating from monopolistic and oligopolistic enterprise, or from government (Schumpeter 1942). This consensus is evident in the accelerating market capitalization of the sector - a 700% increase between 1995 and 2001 (Part II - Table 1: United States Biotechnology Industry, 1993-2001). 1.05 In essence, Keynes’ economics focused on allocative efficiency and the static charms of neoclassical equilibrium to be achieved by the domestication of entrepreneurial ‘animal spirits’ through the benign macroeconomic management of a democratic, yet gentlemanly, government with a commitment to ‘merit goods’ production including the health, education, culture and welfare of citizens as well as pure and applied R&D. A policy implication of Keynesian allocative efficiency was anti-trust and anti-combines policies to maintain competitiveness between domestic producers. Such a ‘macro’ or national policy broke down, however, when the majority of supply was foreign-made. 1.06 Schumpeter, on the other hand, focused on technical efficiency fed by creative destruction or innovation. He waxed and waned on whether a socialist or a capitalist form of government would best be able to manage to an ‘unconscious’ technological teleology reminiscent of Marx’s technological imperative. A policy implication of Schumpeterian technical efficiency has been a national innovation policy to foster and promote clusters of domestic producers in global competition for ‘the next big thing’. This policy may also be breaking down due to the appropriation of domestically producer knowledge by global enterprise ‘partners’(Patel and Pavitt 1998) 1.07 Schumpeter’s faith in a ‘transcendent’ (as well as Keynes’ fixation on animal spirits) parallels his contemporary and fellow Austrian, Fredrik A. von Hayek’s belief in the unconscious “economy of knowledge” of the free market or price system, of which he wrote: Its misfortune is the double one that it is not the product of human design and that the people guided by it usually do not know why they are made to do what they do. But those who clamor for “conscious direction” - and who cannot believe that anything which has evolved without design (and even without our understanding it) should solve problems which we should not be able to solve consciously - should remember this: The problem is precisely how to extend the span of our utilization of resources beyond the span of the control of any one mind; and, therefore, how to dispense with the need of conscious control and how to provide inducements which will make the individuals do the desirable things without anyone having to tell them what to do. (von Hayek 1945, 547) 1.08 Global enterprise (Part II - Table 4: World Sales of Top Ten Pesticide and Seed Companies 1997-1999), the structural peak of biotechnology, are few in number. They constitute an effective ‘oligopoly’ enjoying the Schumpeterian deep pockets necessary to maintain the innovation process and to bear the costs, in time and money, of satiating national and international public sector regulators (see, Part III - Public Infrastructure: Rights, Regulations and National Systems, para. 1.29-1.46, below). Such firms also possess ‘the know-how’ or ‘can do’ required to upscale from lab bench to commercial production In effect, they strive to vertically integrate all stages of the innovation process, i.e., discovery, R&D leading to and receiving feedback from market development and product placement into the utility functions of intermediate and final consumers. This process (Phillips. and Khachatourians 2001, Figure 2.2) has been expressed as a “chain link model of innovation”. 1.09 At the other end of IO Structure, venture and equity capital is actively nurturing ‘new biotechnology firms’ or NBFs (Part II - 2c New Biotech Firms, para. 2.05-2.10). In addition, the universities are expanding intellectual and capital investment and, in partnership with government and industry, are spinning off ever more ‘biotech’ research centres and institutes (Part II - 2e Public Sector, para.2.14-2.18) forming the nexus of advanced national innovation systems. 1.10 Two ill-defined areas of IO Performance are conservation and equity. The first generally refers to husbanding non-renewable resources. The second generally refers to the ‘fairness’ of reward shared by ‘stakeholders’, e.g., management, workers, shareholders, and the public (in social democratic nations usually expressed in an egalitarianism towards the disadvantaged and/or minorities). 1.11 Conservation can be defined as the planned management of a natural resource to prevent exploitation, destruction, or neglect, or: To paraphrase the popular literature on this matter, conservation in an economic sense of course does not mean non-use or simple deferment of use, but “wise use” of the resources being exploited. In technical terms, good conservation requires a choice of technique of exploitation, time pattern of production, and time pattern of investments and other costs, which together yield an optimal net social benefit relative to costs over all future time periods in which society is interested. In determining this optimum, distant future benefits and costs should be appropriately discounted by whatever rate of “time preference” society wishes to assign in assessing the relative importance of current as opposed to future benefits and sacrifices. And conservation performance is poor to the extent that enterprises deviate from this abstract ideal.(Bain 1968, pp.425-426) 1.12 Assessing biotechnology’s performance with respect to conservation is unique among industries and sectors. On the one hand, biotechnology embodies ‘renewable (new) resources’ into the distant human future. On the other hand, biotechnology, according to some, threatens to rend the inherited fabric of Nature (or of God) handed down from Time immemorial. 1.13 The time preference of human civilization was, until the European Enlightenment of the 18th century, predominantly ‘conservative’ in the sense that it was in the past, not the future, that the Golden Age, the paradise of perfection, lay. The circle is the image of this perpetual longing for the Origin. Even Christianity foretells the future through the return of Christ, linking us back to His Origin. Etymologically, the word ‘religion’ derives from the Latin re-ligio - to link back. 1.14 With the Scientific Revolution, however, time preference became, at least for the ‘secular’ class, forward looking: the golden age lay in a future of human progress. The ascending spiral is an appropriate image, returning to the same lateral coordinates but at progressively higher levels. The pedagogic spiral is an example with its ascending return to the same subject at progressively higher and higher levels of rigour.
1.15 Assessing biotechnology’s performance
with respect to conservation, given this elemental and ongoing clash over time
preference – secular progress vs. religious return -, boils down to an assay
of value demographics. While this clash extends beyond questions of Time,
there are geopolitical fractures appearing on how far and in what directions
biotechnology will be permitted to proceed. Thus the
1.16 In economics there are essentially two forms of equity: horizontal (like treatment of like) and vertical equity (unlike treatment of unlike). Together with ‘tax burden’, i.e., the accumulated impact of all taxes, horizontal and vertical equity guide thought and action in the economic sub-discipline of Public Finance 1.17 The economic concept of equity, however, is rooted in a more ancient concept of Anglo-American law – equity. In summary, equity governs the abuse of rights under the law.
The word equity is also used in jurisprudence in
a narrow sense, but still without the technical meaning which it has in
English law to-day. In this sense, it is contrasted with strict law, the
ius strictum. As has been pointed out, time and again, by
1.18 Given that the legal foundation of
biotechnology is intellectual property rights granted by the State, use and
abuse of such rights by ‘rights holders’ would be a matter of equity under the
law. For example, does the TRIPS agreement allow global biotech firms to
abuse the hereditary knowledge of communal farmers in
c) Progressiveness: Knowledge, Talent & Technique 1.19 “Progressiveness” refers to attainment of an evolving set of national socio-economic-political goals and objectives. Three entries will be made about: i) knowledge base; ii) talent; and, iii) technique. 1.20 In 30 years, biotechnology has pupated from theoretical understanding to applied ‘can-do’ evolution, i.e., it is technically possible to create and express specific genetic traits generation unto generation; traits not necessarily of the same species. The knowledge base underpinning this ‘technical breakthrough’ is, metaphorically, expanding exponentially (Howard 2000). There is an economic consensus about its eventual and substantial financial yield. This consensus is evidenced by massive annual losses while, at the same time, the capitalized or market value of sector soars (Part II -Table 1: United States Biotechnology Industry 1993-2001). Even the vocabulary of investors is being expanded to allow this knowledge base to be absorbed (Part III - Exhibit 1: Biotech Pharmacological Glossary). 1.21 The history of this “library of life” is quixotical. The scientific community, perhaps reeling from self-felt complicity in the last great paradigm shift (the atomic age born in military darkness and revealed to the world as a mushroom cloud), a conference was held in 1975 in Asilomar California to discuss a self-imposed scientific moratorium on further research given the then recent innovation of recombinant DNA (rDNA) (Berg and Singer 1995). While research did go forward it did so with the conscious approval of the scientific community. Furthermore, it went forward as the first major paradigm shift in science to take place under the full glare of mature national systems for the regulation and testing of foods and health products and processes. Current controversy over public (in the public domain) or private (patented) ownership of the human genome highlights the financial and social implications of the book of life. 1.22 Biotechnology appears to be at the ‘inventor’s stage’ during which seminal change flows primarily from individual ‘stars’ (Zucker 1998; Audretsch and Stephan 1999). Such highly innovative talent (sometimes called ‘geeks’), by its very innovative nature, tends to be uncomfortable in highly bureaucratized structures with the sometime exception of the traditional university. The traditional university was formed by cooperatives of scholars demanding guild rights and self-rule from the Church. The Crown (the State) encouraged these new ‘secular’ centres of learning as an alternative to the Church’s monopoly of administrative talent 1.23 In another knowledge domain, the arts, creative talent also does not fit well into the technostructure (Galbraith, 1968) except when the organization itself is artistic such as a symphony, dance or theater company or architectural firm (Galbraith, 1973). In advertising, broadcasting, motion pictures and sound recording where enterprise is large and complex, dissonance between artists and management is usually solved by employing actors, composers, copyrighters, dancers, directors, producers and scriptwriters through smaller subsidiary firms. The parent company then confines itself to providing advertising, broadcasting, marketing, exhibition and/or production facilities. 1.24 Concentration in the arts industry is similar to biotech; i.e., a few global firms form an effective oligopoly (Chartrand 2000). In many ways the university plays a similar ‘day care’ role for creative scientific talent as the arts company does for artistic talent. In both sectors, large global corporations use intellectual property rights – copyright in the arts sector, patents in biotechnology – to construct their business ‘empires’. In each sector large enterprise has the Schumpeterian deep pockets to maintain the innovation process and bare the costs of market testing and regulation 1.25 About managing creative talent, or ‘knowledge workers’, Peter Drucker has described it as a clash between “The Gentleman and the Technologist”: Bribing the knowledge workers on whom these industries depend will therefore simply not work. The key knowledge workers in these businesses will surely continue to expect to share financially in the fruits of their labor. But the financial fruits are likely to take much longer to ripen, if they ripen at all. And then, probably within ten years or so, running a business with (short-term) "shareholder value" as its first -- if not its only -- goal and justification will have become counterproductive. Increasingly, performance in these new knowledge-based industries will come to depend on running the institution so as to attract, hold, and motivate knowledge workers. When this can no longer be done by satisfying knowledge workers' greed, as we are now trying to do, it will have to be done by satisfying their values, and by giving them social recognition and social power. It will have to be done by turning them from subordinates into fellow executives, and from employees, however well paid, into partners. (Drucker 1999)
1.26 Drucker anticipates a repeat of “the
English disease’ described in Martin Weiner’s 1981 book:
English Culture
and the Decline of the Industrial Spirit, 1850 – 1980 (The Economist Apr.
25, 1981). The founders of the Industrial revolution in
1.27 A significant scientific paradigm shift implies new devices and processes, not just new products. New devices and processes are, by definition, ‘new’. They are technically efficient but rarely do they initially achieve allocative efficiency. Process innovation involves the continuing improvement in devices and processes that cause the paradigm shift. 1.28 As biotechnology matures process innovation and measuring devices will improve (Riordan 2002). The costs of biotechnological activity will decline. It will rise up the technological transfer space spreading wider and farther Part III – 2(a): Futurity, Expectations & Technological Forecasting, para. 2.01-2.12, below). d) Public Infrastructure: Rights, Regulation & National Systems 1.29 Biotechnology is the first major scientific ‘paradigm’ shift to take place in full view of the public (Part III - 1(c) i: Knowledge Base, para. 1.21, above). The last major shift, atomic energy, began as a military ‘black op’. This new optic of ‘public transparency’ has been provided by a postwar institutional lens of rights granted by, regulations established and monitored by, and, national systems constructed by, the State, to foster and encourage innovation while maintaining public health and safety. This has had a significant and differential affect on the IO Performance of the biotechnology sector in different countries. 1.30 The organized research effort – the Manhattan Project - that led to the atomic age proved to government and business that organized scientific research could produce results. Reliance no longer had to be placed on chance discoveries and the efforts of isolated inventors, as had been the case during the initial industrial revolution (Part III – 1(c) ii: Talent, para. 1.26, above). The results of such organized efforts, however, is knowledge that is a non-excludable and non-rivalrous good (Part II -3(b) i: Economic Evolution of Intellectual Property Rights). Accordingly, it cannot be easily bought and sold, e.g., like taking sole possession of an automobile or a house and denying access to others by lock and key. Once knowledge is ‘known’ it cannot be repossessed. Thus Justice Yates, in his crucial minority opinion of 1769 on Millar v. Taylor: … Mr. Justice Yates had very clear and definite notions as to the limits of property, but a reference which he makes to the civil law throws a stronger light on his view of the whole subject than any of his direct reasoning. What the Institutes have to say relating to "wild animals," he observes, "is very applicable to this case." And he then proceeds to draw a comparison between these two singularly related subjects. Animals ferae naturae are yours "while they continue in your possession, but no longer. " So those wild and volatile objects which we call ideas are yours as long as they are properly kenneled in the mind. Once unchain or publish them, and they "become incapable of being any longer a subject of property; all mankind are equally entitled to read them; and every reader becomes as fully possessed of all the ideas as the author himself ever was." (Sedgwick 1879)
1.31 It is only with creation, by the State, of intellectual property rights that a market in knowledge can, allowing for piracy and infringement, exist. In creating such rights, the State assumes responsibility for how to encourage innovation by denying, for a limited time, free public access to the knowledge embodied in it. All such rights, however, require that the knowledge so embodied eventually enter the ‘public domain’. Furthermore, unlike theft of other forms of property, the State tends to leave enforcement to rights holder, i.e., generally action through the civil rather than criminal courts. Furthermore, questions about how to encourage innovation and what restrictions to impose on the public are answered by individual nation states subject to ‘national treatment’ of foreigners.
1.32 This ability of nations to ‘tailor’
intellectual property regimes has significant implications for the future
competitiveness of nations even under free trade (Paquet 1990). ‘Nips and
tucks’ recognized in the
1.33 The knowledge market exists because of
a State grant of ‘rights’. As such, they are subject to equity under the law
(Part III – 1(b) i:
Equity, para. 1.16-1.18, above). Fair use
and fair dealing provisions of in most IPR legislation provide some equity to
users. There appears, however, to be a judicial tightening in the
1.34 Beyond formal rights under the law and their potential liability under equity, biotechnology is also exposed to product liability and torts. In effect, product liability falls on the producer and/or supplier of a good and service and virtually any other party connected with the sale and marketing of that product. Product liability is an extension of contract law. The biotechnology sector is exposed to and fearful of product liability claims. Torts, on the other hand, deals with non-contractual damages. In the Anglo-American Common Law tradition, torts are settled by precedent, sometimes dating back hundreds of years. Under tort, the biotechnology sector is exposed to non-contractual damages against its products and processes. This may be one reason why large firms tend to locate their highest product and tort liabilities with smaller and/or newly established biotechnology firm 1.35 Beyond claiming intellectual property rights from the State and being exposed to related legal liabilities, the biotechnology sector is also subject to agricultural, drug, food and health regulations as well as a patent review process created before biotechnology was born. Both regulatory processes affect the IO Performance of the sector. In the case of agricultural, drug, food and health regulations biotechnology is considered to use a phrase “guilty until proven innocent”. This contrast with the “innocent until proven guilty” approach to traditional or natural products. Extensive product testing is required before any biogenetic product can enter the market and earn a profit (Miller 1994). In part, this explains current annual losses of the biotechnology sector. Many products are in the ‘testing pipeline’ and will only emerge on the market in the next several years.
1.36 The patent review process similarly eats up time and resources. There
are statutory requirements to be met; the subject matter must be deemed
patentable; the innovation must be shown to be novel and unobvious (Adler
1984). Again, time and resources are required to go through the process,
particularly in a number of different jurisdictions. Such transaction costs
tend to favour large and/or global enterprise. In the
1.37 In a comparative analysis of the constitutions of the
1.38 While Lord Keynes is best remembered for his rules governing navigation of the ship of State in the economic ocean, the authors remind us that he also foresaw the growth of semiautonomous bodies associated with the State which, like dolphins swimming ahead, lead the way towards the public good as they understand it. In this regard, it should be recalled that Keynes was the father of the Arts Council of Great Britain, a postwar institution funded by the State but operating at arm's length from its political direction. 1.39 Written just after Margaret Thatcher left the scene and the Soviet Union had collapsed, the authors argue that contrary to orthodox Thatcherism and its North American variants, the ship of State is not returning to some mythic free market port with a crisply defined coastline separating public policy from a mainland of private self-interest. Rather, in keeping with Keynes's prescience, semiautonomous bodies have become vessels in a public/private convoy used to 'offload' responsibilities accumulated by the ship of State during the rising tide of the postwar Welfare State. The course of the ship remains unchanged. 1.40 From the constitution emerging after the English Civil War of the mid-1600s to the republican revolutions of the 18th century, first American and then French, the authors argue there has been a progressive constitutional cooptation of private interest in pursuit of the public good. The most evolved examples today are Austria and Germany. Concentrating on the least evolved or formalized, the ‘unwritten’ constitution of the United Kingdom, the authors demonstrate off-loading ranges far and wide - from accounting standards, financial markets, industrial strategy, land-use planning, labour relations, national defense, professional self-regulation and R&D to art, education, health, housing, voluntarism and welfare.
1.41 This restructuring has been necessitated by the inherent complexity of
modern life, the limits of rationality resulting from imperfect information
and a turbulent policy environment. This fueled a perestroika as fundamental,
if not as apparent, as that which shattered the
1.42 The authors use a body of literature concerning ‘corporatism’ to define this restructuring in terms of stable bargaining relationships between associations of private interest like the defense industry and the State. They point out that corporatism is not necessarily incompatible with, but rather potentially complimentary to, traditional geographic-based constituency democracy. While the author's suggest 'tripartism', i.e. government, management and labour cooperation is passe, an ironic legacy of Thatcherism may be the re-democratization of the union movement - final realization of Sydney and Beatrice Webbs' dream of industrial democracy. 1.43 But public authority exercised by private interests raises questions of accountability. There has been, the authors imply, no equivalent glasnost or openness. Various factors conspire to obscure the exercise of public authority by private interests. These include free market rhetoric, failure to develop a body of administrative law comparable to that on the Continent or even in the United States and a self-serving conspiracy of silence between the State and recipients of public authority. Ministerial accountability, while no longer functional, is a powerful incantation in a parliamentary democracy and has similarly blinded citizens to the changing nature of democracy. 1.44 The authors present a range of accountability regimes to make the new public/private partnership transparent to public scrutiny. In this regard, they define ‘constitutional’ in procedural terms as participation by citizens in open and informed debate about the objectives, policies and procedures of public policymaking. They call not only for freedom of information but also creation of intermediating institutions to process information into forms accessible to the public. 1.45 The nexus of private/public/university research centres and institutes as well as national associations and granting-giving councils, at least within OECD countries, is known as ‘the national system of innovation” (NSI) (Part II - 2e: Public Sector). The accountability of such ‘national systems’ is generally to ‘stakeholders’ not the public at large. Furthermore, NSI’s are generally connected to publicly financed “clusters” in ‘high tech’ regional development (another stylish name for a perennial problem). Such clusters tend to focus on universities and colleges and encourage their partnership with private and public sector agents at the local, regional, national and global levels. The European Union’s biotechnology system of innovation represents perhaps the meta-case (Senker and van Zwanenberg.2001). It embodies the phrase: “think globally, act locally”.
1.46 The success of
2.01 The future has been a human concern from the beginning of the species – homo sapien sapien (Tudge 1989). In the best Neoclassical tradition, George Stigler answered questions of the future with the survivor principle: (a) determine categories of firms which actually exhibit an ability to survive; and, (b) then seek the properties which yield this ability. Other schools of economic thought have held different views, specifically the Keynesian and ‘old’ Institutional Schools of John R. Commons who wrote. “Early economists began with the past and traced the origins of the present out of the past. Economists now begin with the future and read it back into the present (Commons 1950, p.108). 2.02 To sketch a prospectus of the biotechnology sector I will link the Keynesian concept of expectations and Common’s concept of futurity with the forms and types of technological forecasting taking place in the OECD countries. a) Futurity, Expectations & Technological Forecasting
2.03 Expectations is an operative concept
in Keynesian (Keynes 1936 –
Chapter 12 The State of Long-Term
Expectations) and the
2.04 Futurity was an operative concept of J.R. Commons’ ‘old’ Institutional Economics, i.e. people live tomorrow but act today (Commons 1931, 1950). In many ways futurity establishes a stronger economic connexion with the future. According to Commons, economic transactions involve the buying and selling of control over the future actions of economic agents. Other intangible properties, whose present value depends on their expected exchange value or expected income, are such as patents, good will, trademarks, corporate franchises, various rights “to do business.” All are “intangible,” because all are cases of futurity. Even the so-called “corporeal property” - the ownership of a tangible thing, like land or an auto—is also “intangible” because it means a present right to sell or rent the thing in the future for money or its equivalent in exchange, which could not be done if one did not have “the right.” In all cases the present value depends on expected scarcity, which is economic futurity, and this is property (Commons 1950, pp. 105-106). 2.05 Technological forecasting has become an institution, i.e., a routinized pattern of collective human behaviour. Every government and large enterprise dedicate resource to seeing ‘over the time horizon’. Such forecasting establishes the expectations and futurity required by investors and planners. There four basic categories of forecasting techniques: intuitive, exploratory, normative and feedback (Part III - Exhibit 2: An Inventory of Technological Forecasting Techniques).
2.06 Forecasting generally takes place
within what is known as ‘technology transfer space’ (Part III - Exhibit
3:
A Technological Transfer Space)
which varies between practionners. Essentially, as a technology matures from
an idea or knowledge into a marketed good or service its impact tends to
widen, and in an open economy, its effects eventually spill over the lip and
into other nations. In a closed economy, such as the former
2.07 Intuitive and feedback techniques can be subsumed, as techniques, under the broader rubric of Exploratory and Normative Forecasting. In essence, exploratory forecasting, using all available forecasting techniques, seeks out ‘probable’ futures for a technology assuming current trends and thinking. Normative forecasting begins with an ideal future and works back to discover how to realize it (Part III - Exhibit 4: Two Views of Normative & Exploratory Forecasting). 2.08 Ideally the full spectrum of techniques from ranging from highly mathematical to extremely subjective are brought to bear (Part III - Exhibit 5: Integration of Forecasting Techniques). For purposes of this paper I will briefly review some forecasts of the probable, fictional and preferable futures for biotechnology. 2.09 Probable futures are best seen in forecasts of the ‘military-industrial complex. Two sets of exploratory forecasts are provided. The first concerns future applications of biotechnology by the U.S. Army, excluding biological weapons. Exhibit 5 demonstrates the potential applications of biotechnology:
Future
Camouflage & concealment Combat identification Computing Data Fusion Functional foods Health monitoring High-capacity data storage High-resolution imaging Lightweight armor Novel materials Performance enhancement Radiation-resistant electronics Reductions in size and weight Sensing battlefield environment Sensor networks Soldier therapeutics Soldier-portable power Target recognition Vaccines Wound healing COBFAA, Opportunities in Biotechnology for Future Army Applications, National Academy Press, http://books.nap.edu/books/0309075556/html/index.html, 2001/06/20, p. 9. Exhibit 6: U.S. Army Biotechnology Development Areas, 2001 demonstrates the biotechnologies required to satisfy proposed applications. 2.10 The ‘telcom’ sector is another knowledge-based one. It tries to see a future in which it is one of many such knowledge-based sectors. British Telcom’s affiliate BTexact, has published a timeline for the probable future state of, among others, the biotechnology sector: Exhibit 7: Biotechnology Timelines, 2001-2035. 2.11 One recognized technique of technological forecasting is science fiction. The artist may see farther through time than rationalist or technologist. In order to gain a futures fictional perspective for biotechnology, consider the plots of seven works: i) Fredrik Pohls’ 1969 novel: The Age of the Pussyfoot (Pohl 1969) Plot: life insurance insure life - interest and principle accumulate after one’s death paying for cryogenic freezing until the medical profession says “We can bring him back!” If they succeed, they get the money and you get life. If they fail, you go back into the freezer, with interest and principle intact and growing, until again it is heard: “We can bring him back!”; ii) Andrew Niccol's 1998 film: Gattaca (Niccol 1998) Plot: As soon as one is born, DNA is analysed and future capabilities are predicted - including risk factors and probable age of death. One is doomed to a life dictated by one's genes. However, a black market exists for the purchase and use of someone else’s very superior DNA. Elaborate procedures are required, however, to hide one's own DNA trail through life like laying down false DNA and clinically removing one's own from any location likely to be tested by the DNA police;
iii)
Bruce Sterling’s 1990 short story: “The Swarm” ( Plot: the most intelligent species in the galaxy knows that intelligence is dangerous so genetically turns it off (genetically represses the trait) until threatened by another intelligent species; iv) John Carpenter’s motion picture, The Thing (Carperpenter 1982) Plot: the most successful species in the galaxy ‘snaps on’ the DNA of every species with which it comes into contact insuring its survive in any environment by morphing into the appropriate form;
v) J. Michael Straczynski’s television series
Plot: the most ancient and intelligent species in the galaxy use quasi-sentient self-healing biotechnical devices and vessels; vi) Ridley Scott’s motion picture Blade Runner (Scott 1982) Plot: dangerous jobs including military positions are filled by specially cloned and genetically modified human beings known as ‘Replicants’ who have false life memories, short lives and a dangerous desire to survive; and, vii) Patrick Lau and Richard Laxton’s British television min-series Invasion Earth (Lau and Laxton 1998) Plot: the most intelligent species in the galaxy genetically modifies and ‘farms’ all other life forms across trans-dimensional space.
2.12 Preferred futures assume a moral
consensus about the future, in general, and about biotechnology in
particular. The Europeans accept biotech drugs and medical procedures but not
GM food. The
Conclusions:
Part IV - The "Reasoned Arts" of
Biotechnology, for the final
Exhibit 1: Biotech Pharmacological Glossary Source: derived from Martin, C. J., Biotech Pharmacological Glossary, Biotech Trends, Btech Investors, http://www.btechnews.com/sample_reports/BiotechTrends.pdf, Beverly Hills, CA, 2001/10/11, pp. 19-22. Exhibit 2: An Inventory of Technological Forecasting Techniques Source: derived from Jantsch, E., Technological Forecasting in Perspective, OECD, Paris 1967, p.6 Exhibit 3: Technological Transfer Space Source: derived from Jantsch, E., Technological Forecasting in Perspective, OECD, Paris 1967, pp. 24-25. Exhibit 4: Two Views of Normative & Exploratory Forecasting Source: derived from Jantsch, E., Technological Forecasting in Perspective, OECD, Paris 1967, p. 113. Exhibit 5: Integration of Forecasting Techniques Source: derived from Jantsch, E., Technological Forecasting in Perspective, OECD, Paris 1967, pp. 30-31.
Exhibit 6:
Future
Source: derived from COBFAA, Opportunities in Biotechnology for Future Army Applications, National Academy Press, http://books.nap.edu/books/0309075556/html/index.html, 2001/06/20, p. 9.
Exhibit 7:
Source: derived from COBFAA, Opportunities in Biotechnology for Future Army Applications, National Academy Press, http://books.nap.edu/books/0309075556/html/index.html, 2001/06/20, p. 5. Exhibit 8: Biotechnology Timelines, 2001-2035
Source:
derived from Pearson,
5.0 References Adler, R. G., Biotechnology as an Intellectual Property, Science, 224 4647, 1984/04/27, 357-363. Audretsch, D. B and Stephan P. E., “Knowledge spillovers in biotechnology: sources and incentives”, Journal of Evolutionary Economics, 1999, 9 97-107.
Berg, P. and Singer M. F., The Recombinant DNA
Controversy: Twenty Years Later, Proceedings of the
Birkinshaw, P. et al, Government by
Moonlight: the hybrid parts of the state, Unwin Hyman,
Carpenter, J., The Thing starring Kurt Russell, Wilford Brimley, T.K. Carter, Keith David, Richard Dysart, Richard Masur, and Donald Moffat, Universal Studios, 1982. Chartrand, H.H., "Towards an American Arts Industry" in The Public Life of the Arts in America, Joni Cherbo and M. Wyszomirski (eds), Rutgers University Press, April 2000. COBFAA,Opportunities in Biotechnology for Future Army Applications, National Academy Press, http://books.nap.edu/books/0309075556/html/index.html, 2001/06/20.
Commons, J.R., The Economics of Collective
Action – Chapter VIII: Futurity, University of
Drucker, P., Beyond the Information Revolution, Atlantic Monthly, http://www.theatlantic.com/issues/99oct/9910drucker.htm, 1999/10, pp. 47-57.
The Economist, "Green and pleasant land", The
Economist,
Ernst & Young, The Economic Contributions of the Biotechnology Industry to the U.S. Economy, http://www.bio.org/news/ernstyoung.pdf, 2000/05. Eswaran, M. and Gallini N., Patent Policy and the Direction of Technological Change, RAND Journal of Economics, 27 4, 1996/Winter, 722-746.
Fountain, H., DNA Ditties: Song of Myself,
New York Times,
Galbraith, J.K., "The Artist and the Economist:
Why the Twain must Meet", The Times Higher Education Supplement,
Galbraith, J.K., Economics and the Public
Purpose, New American Library,
Howard, K., The Bioinformatics Gold Rush, Scientific American, http://www.sciam.com/2000/0700issue/0700howard.html#link1, 2000/07.
Jantsch, E., Technological Forecasting in
Perspective, OECD,
Jantsch, E., Design for Evolution, Braziller, NYC, 1975.
Keynes, J.M., The General Theory of
Employment, Interest and Money - Chapter 12 The State of Long-Term
Expectations, pp. 147-164, Macmillan,
Lau, P. and Laxton, R., Invasion Earth, starring Vincent Regan, Maggie O'Neill, Fred Ward, written by Jed Mercurio, BBC Sci Fi Channel, 1990. Lerner, J., The Importance of Patent Scope: An Empirical Analysis, Rand Journal of Economics, 25 2, 1994/Summer, 319-333. Maddox, J., The Unexpected Science to Come..., Scientific American, http://www.sciam.com/1999/1299issue/1299maddox.html, 1999/12. Martin, C. J., Biotech Pharmacological Glossary, Biotech Trends, Btech Investors, http://www.btechnews.com/sample_reports/BiotechTrends.pdf, Beverly Hills, CA, 2001/10/11, pp. 19-22. Miller, H. I., A Need to Reinvent Biotechnology Regulation at the EPA, Science, 266 5192, 1994/12/16, 1815-1818. Andrew Niccol, A., Director and Screenwriter, Gattaca, starring: Ethan Hawke, Jude Law, Uma Thurman, Gore Vidal Columbia Tristar, 1998. Paquet, G., “Science and Technology Policy Under Free Trade”, Technology in Society, Vol. II, Pergammon Press, 1990, pp. 221-234.
Patel, P. and Pavitt. K., National Systems of
Innovation Under Strain: The Internationalisation of Corporate R&D,
Science Policy Research Unit,
Phillips, P. and Khachatourians, G.G., The Biotechnology Revolution in Global Agriculture: Invention, Innovation and Investment in the Canola Sector, CABI Publishing, 2001. Pohl, F., The Age of the Pussyfoot, Ballantine Books, NYC, 1969. Riordan, T., A Patent for Gene Sequencing, New York Times, 2002/03/18 Scott, R., Blade Runner, starring Harrison Ford, Rutger Hauer, Sean Young, Edward James Olmos, M. Emmet Walsh, Daryl Hannah, written by Philip K. Dick, Hampton Fancher, David Webb Peoples, Roland Kibbee, Columbia Tri-Star, 1982 Sedgwick, A., “International Copyright by Judicial Decision”, The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 43, No. 256, 217-230, February 1879.
Senker, J. and van Zwanenberg P., European
Biotechnology Innovation Systems: Final Report, SPRU,
Steinberg, D., Biotech Faces Evolving Patent System, The Scientist, 14 5, 2000/03/06, 8.
Straczynski, J.M., Creator, Writer and Producer,
Tudge, C., The Rise and Fall of Homo sapiens sapiens, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, 325 1228, 1989/11/06, 479-488.
Wolfe, D., Give R&D a place to grow, Globe &
Mail,
Zucker, L. G. et al, “Intellectual Capital and the Birth of U.S. Biotechnology Enterprises”, American Economic Review, March 1998, 88 (1), 290-306.
0.0
Introduction
0.01 In this
concluding paper I sum up findings of Parts I, II & III (Exhibit 1). I also sketch out a Neo Physiocratic
Policy Paradigm (Exhibit 2) and
end with a statement of why both the findings and policy paradigm can be but
‘artful reasoning’ about biotechnology in an emerging global knowledge-based
economy. 1.0
Findings: IO Entries
1.01 In
Part I, the
groundwork was laid with concepts and context defining the biotechnology sector
of a global ‘knowledge-based’ economy.
It was established that:
(a)
biology is one of three
elemental natural and engineering sciences including chemistry and physics. Unlike it sisters, however, biology is
engramed with inherent, yet varying,
cultural (legal, moral, national and social) constraints on application of the
experimental method;
(b)
economics is loosely composed
of three parts: micro-, macro- and meso-economics. Once upon a time the dominant school of
economic thought was the Physiocrats of pre-Revolutionary France. For them, ‘economic surplus’ required
for economic (as well as cultural) growth flowed primarily from agriculture: one
seed, a thousand in return. They
were displaced, literally, by the guillotine and, conceptually, by the
‘manufacturing’ economics of the English Classical School. At the meso-economic level, the taxonomy
of Industrial Organization (IO) was chosen to organize evidence of the
microeconomic behaviour of biotech consumers, firms and markets and link such
evidence to the macro-, ‘national’ and/or ‘global’ economy;
and, (c)
epistemology, etymologically, defines ‘science’ by the Latin ‘to
split nouns of kind or quality’ from which taxonomy, in biology and other
‘sciences’ – moral, natural and social, emerged. Technology, on the other hand derives
from the Greek techne for art, and logos for reason, i.e. reasoned
art. Similarly, economics, ecology
and ekistics share the same Greek root – oikos-
referring, respectively, to: management of the house; activities
taking place in and around the house; and, human
settlement.
1.02 In
Part II, the
basic IO taxonomy was used to organize evidence about the industrial dynamics of
the biotechnology sector. Only
selected taxonomic slots of the IO model received evidentiary entries under
Basic Conditions, Structure and Conduct (Exhibit 1,
below). Evidence needs to be
assembled and entry made for all slots to obtain a robust understanding of the
biotechnology sector. Evidence
presented included:
·
the basic conditions of
supply and demand including the role of ‘star’ innovators and
‘knowledge-preneurs’ in fuelling a spiraling cycle of technological change
and the culturally and nationally varied resistance to biotechnological
innovation ;
·
the economic institutions
(and their agents) – including ‘star’ inventors/innovators, nonprofit (including
the traditional university), private and public institutions, price and market
systems and ‘national systems of innovation’ - constitute the skeletal structure
of the biotechnology sector; and,
·
examined the conduct of
economic agents in ‘doing business’ including their reliance on an evolving
system of national and global intellectual property rights.
1.03 In
Part III, the
IO taxonomy was completed with assessment of Performance (Exhibit 1,
below). In addition a prospectus
for the biotech sector was sketched.
Evidence presented with respect to Performance
included:
·
Allocative & Technical Efficiency: Allocative or economic efficiency has not been
achieved. The sector, as a whole,
is experiencing significant annual losses while market capitalization soars (Part II - Table 1:
United States Biotechnology Industry, 1993-2001). This apparently contradictory situation
reflects an economic consensus about the technical efficiency of the sector
(‘can-do’ efficiency) combined with the expectation of large future profits (Part III –
1.0 Performance (a) Allocative & Technical Efficiency, para. 103-104). In addition to growing equity
capitalization of the sector, losses are also covered by the Schumpeterian deep
pockets of large firms that tend to vertically integrate the innovation process
– formally through acquisitions and informally through ‘partnerships’;
·
Conservation: assessing biotechnology’s
performance with respect to conservation is unique. On the one hand, biotechnology embodies
‘renewable (new) resources’ into the distant human future. On the other hand, biotechnology,
according to some, threatens to rend the inherited fabric of Nature (or of God)
handed down from Time immemorial.
Resolution of this clash over “time preferences” (Bain 1968, pp.425-426) –
essentially secular progress vs. religious return - boils down to an assay of
value demographics;
·
Equity usually
refers to the ‘fairness’ of reward shared by ‘stakeholders’, e.g., management,
workers, shareholders, and the public.
Equity also has meaning in law, specifically, it governs the abuse of
rights under the law. Given that
the legal foundation of biotechnology is intellectual property rights granted by
the State, use and abuse of such rights by ‘rights holders’ are a matter of
equity under the law.
;
·
Progressiveness
of the biotech sector was reviewed assessed with respect to the knowledge base,
talent and technique.
·
With respect to the
knowledge-base, it is, metaphorically, expanding exponentially (Howard
2000). There is an economic
consensus about its eventual and substantial financial yield.
·
With respect to talent, like
all ‘knowledge sectors’, biotechnology is evolving institutional patterns to
accommodate highly innovative talent that, by its nature, tends to be
uncomfortable in highly bureaucratized structures with the sometime exception of
the traditional university. A
parallel was drawn between the arts industry and biotechnology. In both sectors, large global
corporations use intellectual property rights – copyright in the arts sector,
patents in biotechnology – to construct business ‘empires’. In each, large enterprise has the
Schumpeterian deep pockets to maintain the innovation process and bare the costs
of market testing and regulation. Both tend to solve the problem of
creative talent by employing them in smaller subsidiary or affiliate firms with
corporate office responsible for strategic development, ‘mass’ production and
marketing.
·
With respect to technique, as
part of a fundamental scientific revolution, the initial tools and techniques of
biotechnology are ‘first generation’. They are technically efficient but do not
usually achieve immediate allocative efficiency. Process innovation is occurring leading
to rapid and continuing improvement of the very devices and processes that
caused the initial paradigm shift.
·
Public Infrastructure: Biotechnology is the first major scientific ‘paradigm’
shift to take place in full public view.
This new optic of ‘public transparency’ has been provided by a postwar
institutional lens of rights granted by, regulations established and monitored
by, and, national ‘innovation’ systems constructed by, the State, to foster and
encourage innovation while maintaining public health and safety. This has had a significant and
differential affect on the IO Performance of the biotechnology sector in
different countries. 1.04 Entries made to the IO taxonomy in Parts II and III are indicated in Exhibit 1, below:
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