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LRB | Vol. 28 No. 1 = dated 5=20 January 2006 | Ross = McKibbin=20

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The Destruction of the Public Sphere

Ross McKibbin

That the next general election will be fought by Prime Minister = Gordon=20 Brown and Leader of the Opposition David Cameron we do know; but = how it=20 will be fought we don=92t, in part because the present prime = minister will=20 not disclose when he intends to go. Furthermore, both Cameron and = Brown=20 are in some senses, but for different reasons, unknown quantities. = Cameron=20 simply because he is unknown; Brown because he=92s known only as a = bruiser=20 who tenaciously defends his own patch, not as a man who has to = lead a=20 government and a political party. Any prediction as to the = character of a=20 Cameron or Brown government must, therefore, be tentative. Such a=20 prediction might be that Cameron would lead a moderately = unenlightened=20 businessman=92s government; Brown a moderately enlightened = businessman=92s=20 government. The difference between the two, while a bit more than = wafer=20 thin, will hardly register on any political scale.

In his campaign for the leadership Cameron was more anxious to = give=20 impressions than facts, and one impression he was anxious to give = is that=20 he is a man of the centre. Yet apart from his keeping clear of the = law-and-order rhetoric which burdened his predecessors and his = rival,=20 David Davis, there is not much evidence of a new beginning. He has = dropped=20 virtually none of Michael Howard=92s baggage: he simply proved = more adept at=20 reordering it than Davis. He has persisted in arguing that we can = have=20 both lower taxes and better public services: an argument the = electorate=20 regards sceptically and something that has eluded all British = governments.=20 He has repeated, and appears to believe, the self-serving = conviction of=20 British businessmen that they would be world-beaters were it not = for=20 over-regulation, red tape, high taxes and Brussels. Although he = concedes=20 there is =91society=92, a =91we=92 as well as a =91me=92, his is = to be a highly=20 privatised society increasingly shaped by =91social = entrepreneurs=92,=20 charities, do-gooders, people with axes to grind, and our old = friend=20 =91faith groups=92: in other words, a society based on the model = of a market=20 and restored social hierarchies. Cameron is as Eurosceptic as any = of his=20 predecessors; he even wishes =96 that touchstone of scepticism =96 = to withdraw=20 the Conservative MEPs from the Christian Democratic grouping in = the=20 European Parliament. And despite his keeping clear of = law-and-order=20 rhetoric, those who seek rational immigration policies or prisons = that do=20 more good than harm will almost certainly look to him in vain.

Gordon Brown, though alleged by the Conservatives to personify = Old=20 Labour, differs little in substance from Cameron. His, too, will = be a=20 businessman=92s government =96 even if businessmen refuse to = acknowledge it.=20 His surprising decision to abandon the new corporate financial = reporting=20 rules shows how far he will go to assure businessmen that he is = business=20 friendly. And his fundamental order of priorities differs little = from=20 Cameron=92s. He has always wanted to create an economic = environment=20 conducive to an American idea of business success: the aim of both = major=20 political parties in the last ten years. The way he has financed = much of=20 the country=92s social infrastructure, via the PFI, could not be = more=20 business friendly. Bad for the country, but unquestionably good = for=20 business (and lawyers, and consultants). In two ways, however, he = has=20 acted differently from recent Tory chancellors. He has, first, = expected=20 something in return from businessmen =96 measurably increased = productivity =96=20 which they have been unable to achieve: hence his constant = fiddling with=20 largely futile fiscal incentives. He has, second, permitted = significant=20 and long-overdue increases in public expenditure =96 now, alas, = ending =96=20 whose effect has been wholly benign; and that has made it hard for = the=20 Conservatives to revert to the damaging policies of the 1980s and = 1990s,=20 as Cameron has tacitly accepted.

For the rest, Brown=92s record is more difficult to read. For = whatever=20 reason =96 a desire not to forfeit his chance of the leadership or = genuine=20 belief =96 he has acquiesced in all Blair=92s follies, not least = Iraq.=20 Whatever his private doubts, he has been in practice as servile as = Blair=92s=20 other ministers and shares as much responsibility. We do not, = however,=20 know whether he would have initiated the folly. Like Blair, he is = obsessed=20 with America, but his obsession is different: it is America as an = economic=20 system that obsesses him. It is hard to see him crusading in Iraq, = other=20 than inadvertently. Although, like Blair, he believes the private = sector=20 is invariably more efficient than the public, his enthusiasm for = the=20 marketising of everything seems less complete. As a Scot he might = simply=20 be indifferent to the English educational system, but it is = unlikely that=20 a Brown government would have produced the recent white paper on = education=20 =96 though officially he supports it.

As to who will win the next election, the balance must favour = Brown,=20 but it is three years away and the longer Blair stays the more = difficult=20 it becomes for Brown. Furthermore, he has had a lucky ride as = chancellor=20 and that won=92t last. For all his =91prudence=92 and obstinate=20 Treasury-mindedness, he has not always been a particularly prudent = minister. The prosperity over which he has presided, as has so = often been=20 the case since 1979, has been based largely on inflated house = prices and=20 mountains of private and national debt. What distinguishes him = from the=20 pre-1979 chancellors is that the balance of payments (hugely in = deficit)=20 has recently not acted as a serious constraint on consumption. But = our=20 rate of growth is now significantly below Treasury predictions; = and given=20 Germany=92s extraordinary export performance =96 achieved despite = having to=20 prop up its old East Zone =96 compared with Britain=92s, Brown = might well come=20 to regret the foolish triumphalism of the last few years, as will = all=20 those other purveyors of embarrassing wisdom (virtually every = economic=20 commentator) about how much the Germans have to learn from us. = Moreover,=20 Brown, though clearly respected by the electorate, is no charmer. = On the=20 contrary, his public manner is designed to intimidate, the = opposite of=20 Cameron=92s.

Nonetheless, even if electoral circumstances are more = favourable to him=20 than they were to his predecessors, the next election will not be = easy for=20 Cameron. He is inexperienced =96 though he has done a surprisingly = good job=20 at not looking inexperienced =96 and it=92s certain that Labour = will give him=20 a rough ride. He has had to overcome the fact that he is an Old = Etonian,=20 which is sort of a problem now =96 though he has also done that = rather well.=20 Above all, he is shackled to the Conservative Party. Unless there = is a=20 remarkable change in the pattern of voting =96 the complete = collapse of=20 tactical voting, for example =96 it will be exceptionally hard for = the=20 Conservatives to win under the present electoral system. At the = last=20 election, for instance, they polled only 3 per cent less of the = vote than=20 Labour but won 158 fewer seats. Sociological and demographic = changes have=20 also worked against them; though not irreversible they will be = hard to=20 reverse. And there is still a sense in which the Conservative = Party is not=20 of the real world. Its infantile reaction (fully shared by = Cameron) to=20 possible reductions in the British EU rebate =96 like its attitude = to Europe=20 generally =96 is not the behaviour of a party which wants to be = taken=20 seriously.

Is any of this important? Does it matter whether Brown is prime = minister rather than Blair, or Cameron rather than Brown? Does it = matter,=20 indeed, whether there is a Conservative or a Labour government? At = the=20 moment, not much. There are several reasons for this. The first is = that=20 the country=92s political elite is now largely divorced from the = country;=20 probably to a greater degree than at any time since the 19th = century. This=20 elite is drawn from an increasingly narrow social range: primarily = from=20 the law, the media, political and economic consultancy and = =91research=92. In=20 the present cabinet, for example, there is only one former trade = unionist.=20 Whatever their formal political allegiances, they are all the same = kind of=20 people who think the same way and know the same things. Their = authority=20 has been increased by the way the prime minister runs his = government =96 in=20 an informal, ad hoc and disorganised manner that marginalises the=20 administrative Civil Service.

The members of his cabinet believe, and are constantly told, = that=20 political victory lies in the =91centre=92, which is where they = must be. To=20 argue this, however, is fundamentally to redefine the word = =91centre=92: fifty=20 years ago those in the =91centre=92 were likely to be Keynesians. = The extent=20 of this redefinition is made clear by Blair=92s belief that unless = the=20 recent white paper on education becomes law Labour will cede the = =91centre=92=20 to the Tories. This is an absurd belief but is presumably gospel = in the=20 prime minister=92s camarilla. In a less mealy-mouthed age = both the=20 Labour and Conservative Parties would be thought on balance right = wing,=20 with the Labour Party more ambiguously right wing than the = opposition. We=20 have now a right-wing government and a right-wing opposition, = while a=20 centre-minded electorate has to choose which of the two is more = palatable=20 =96 that is, least right wing. Much of the electorate is now so = divorced=20 from the political elite that it does not even bother to make that = choice:=20 thus the exceptionally low turnouts of the last two elections. = What we do=20 not know is whether under Brown the Labour Party will be more like = a party=20 of what was once understood to be the centre, instead of being, as = it is=20 under Blair, centreish in little bits. To judge by his record so = far,=20 however, this seems improbable.

The second reason it will not make much difference is that the = two=20 major parties fundamentally share the same ideology. Despite = assurances=20 that the political elite is interested only in what works, this is = the=20 most intensely ideological period of government we have known in = more than=20 a hundred years. The model of market-managerialism has largely = destroyed=20 all alternatives, traditional and untraditional. Its most powerful = weapon=20 has been its vocabulary. We are familiar with the way this = language has=20 carried all before it. We must sit on the cusp, hope to be in a = centre of=20 excellence, dislike producer-dominated industries, wish for a = multiplicity=20 of providers, grovel to our line managers, even more to the senior = management team, deliver outcomes downstream, provide choice. Our = students=20 are now clients, our patients and passengers customers. It is a = language=20 which was first devised in business schools, then broke into = government=20 and now infests all institutions. It has no real historical = predecessor =96=20 there was no equivalent =91Keynesian=92 vocabulary in the 1940s = and 1950s =96=20 and is peculiarly seductive. It purports to be neutral: thus all=20 procedures must be =91transparent=92 and =91robust=92, everyone = =91accountable=92. It=20 is hard-nosed but successful because the private sector on which = it is=20 based is hard-nosed and successful. It is efficient; it abhors = waste; it=20 provides all the answers. It drove Thatcher=92s enterprise = culture. It lies=20 behind Cameron=92s social entrepreneurs.

It is more powerful than the kind of language Flaubert = satirised in the=20 Dictionnaire des id=E9es re=E7ues since, however = ridiculous it might=20 be, it determines the way our political (and economic) elites = think of the=20 world. A remarkable example of this comes in the government=92s = recent=20 proposal to privatise or partly privatise the probation service. = This is=20 probably the most preposterous legislative proposal in living = memory but=20 is justified on the grounds that we need =91a vibrant mixed = economy=92 of=20 probation. As for the probation officers themselves, they are to = be swept=20 away and replaced by =91offender managers=92. The language might = be laughable,=20 but it is now the language shared by all those who command, Labour = or=20 Conservative, and is one way they wield power.

This ideology has also been destructive of the public sphere. = It began=20 under the Conservatives and, far from being reversed under Labour, = has=20 been advanced by them into territory the Conservatives did not = enter. The=20 contents of the latest white paper on education, the legislation = that will=20 save the =91centre=92 for Labour, are the most overt manifestation = of how far=20 Labour has gone. Virtually every premise on which this paper is = based is=20 false. You cannot combine a socially structured educational system = with=20 social justice, and that is so even if discrimination at admission = is=20 technically prohibited. Not everyone can get their first choice = under such=20 a system. It is not arithmetically possible. And schools can=92t = expand and=20 contract as though they were supermarkets, unless they are what = used to be=20 called in Australia =91portables=92. Parents are not the best = judges of their=20 children=92s education any more than they are the best judges of = their=20 children=92s health =96 something most parents know perfectly = well. The=20 pressure for =91parent power=92 doesn=92t come from them.

The expansion of =91faith=92 schools is indefensible. The = secular tradition=20 is central to the Labour Party, not because Labour was = anti-religion =96 far=20 from it =96 but because it recognised that specifically religious = schools=20 (even the old =91aided=92 elementary schools) were socially = divisive. That a=20 government which has faced the consequences of a sectarian = educational=20 system in Northern Ireland and is obsessed with Islamic extremism = should=20 be simultaneously promoting religious secondary schools in England = is=20 astonishing. Furthermore, it is clear that when they think of = =91faith=92=20 schools the writers of the white paper don=92t have in mind the = Anglican=20 =91aided=92 schools. These are to be private venture schools where = faith is=20 strongly held. And since they are to have considerable powers to = alter the=20 curriculum, be ready for rows over creationism. It is not true = that=20 schools are the main variables in the education of children. = Children are=20 influenced by their schools; but they are as strongly influenced = by their=20 families, their peer groups, their physical environment, their = wealth or=20 their poverty. =91Failed=92 schools are usually the result of = =91failed=92=20 cultures: =91failed=92 cultures are not the result of =91failed=92 = schools. A=20 government which was really interested in educational reform would = tackle=20 seriously the relative poverty which underlies most forms of = cultural=20 =91failure=92. But the degree of comparative poverty has scarcely = changed=20 since Labour came to power in 1997.

Behind the white paper is a ferocious ideological utopianism = impervious=20 to social reality. The country=92s health and educational systems = have been=20 subject to countless pieces of legislation since 1979. All of it, = whether=20 from the Conservatives or Labour, has tended in the same = direction: the=20 re-establishment of the NHS and schools on the basis of a = competitive=20 market. None of this legislation has ever satisfied its authors = for long.=20 Few ask why the educational and health systems seem now so subject = to=20 (failed) permanent revolution, given how stable their regimes were = before=20 the late 1970s. One answer is that ideological utopias can never = be=20 achieved precisely because they are utopian. The other is that the = competitive market simply does not work in such systems. It = usually works=20 well where it works at all, but there are important areas of our = lives=20 where it does not work at all, and collective activities such as = education=20 and health are two of them. Much of the legislation in these areas = has=20 left its authors dissatisfied and thirsting for more not just = because it=20 has not worked but because it cannot work.

Above all, the white paper is an attack on the public sphere = and on the=20 idea of democratic citizenship. The proposal effectively to neuter = the=20 LEAs and to encourage the supposed independence of secondary = schools,=20 whatever form their independence takes, turns citizens into = supplicants.=20 Our relationship to the state, to the public sphere, is analogous = to our=20 relationship to such property as we have. In a sense we =91own=92 = it. We might=20 feel that the state has not given us what we are entitled to, but = that is=20 because we have a sense of entitlement. As citizens, we approach = the state=20 not as supplicants but as people who claim a right because we are=20 citizens. We do not, however, approach schools run by faiths, or=20 businessmen, or universities, or crackpots, as citizens. We = approach them=20 as people seeking favours. And that gives the =91providers=92 = social authority=20 incompatible with a democratic state.

This attack on the public sphere has a further consequence. It = replaces=20 strong intermediate authorities (the LEAs) with weak ones, just as = the=20 =91agencies=92 and the misnamed =91citizens=92 charters=92 did = under the=20 Conservatives. It purports to give freedom to heads, parents, the=20 community, but in fact increases the power, though not the=20 =91accountability=92, of central government, which makes the = legislation even=20 more attractive to government. If this document in anything like = its=20 present form is passed with significant Labour support, the Labour = Party =96=20 absolutely =96 loses its raison d=92=EAtre. But even if a = significant number of=20 Labour MPs revolt, in all probability it will be carried in = something like=20 its present form because the Tories will support it. Cameron is an = enthusiast. He agrees with Blair (and we must assume Brown), and = his=20 decision to support the white paper is a recognition that they all = inhabit=20 the same intellectual world.

The final reason to doubt that much will change under Brown is = the=20 institutional decay of the Labour Party and the cabinet. Most of = Labour=92s=20 institutions, like the national executive or the annual = conference, are=20 mere shells. The cabinet meets only to be told what government = policy is.=20 We are now used to the notion that Iraq has been a disaster, that = it was=20 the result of a shocking error of judgment. We are also aware of = the way=20 Iraq, and indeed all Blair=92s policies towards the United States = since=20 9/11, have corrupted British politics, endangered the security of = the=20 country, been responsible for attacks on our liberties which only = a few=20 years ago would have been thought inconceivable, irreparably = damaged the=20 reputations of all those involved, and implicated Britain in = American=20 policies which in many cases appear criminal. In a few years=92 = time people=20 will be amazed that neither the prime minister nor his cabinet has = been in=20 any way held to account for all this.

The reason for that has to do with the structure and recent = history of=20 the Labour Party. The party=92s institutions have always been = weak, and the=20 =91reforms=92 of the last 20 years made them weaker. They don=92t = act as a=20 makeweight to the Parliamentary leadership. The Parliamentary = Party, also=20 always weak, but now much less diverse than it used to be, is = largely made=20 up of men and women of a Blairite caste of mind. This narrowing of = its=20 base reflects the social narrowing of the country=92s political = elite and is=20 a result of the same pressures. Thus the majority of the = Parliamentary=20 Party voted in support of the Iraq war =96 though 122 did not =96 = as they have=20 for ID cards, 90-day detention (291 against 49), and no doubt will = in=20 support of the new education bill. Patronage and the whips have = much to do=20 with this, but it is also central to New Labour=92s strategy. New = Labour=20 (not unreasonably) took the view that the party=92s old pluralism = had=20 degenerated into destructive factionalism in the 1970s and early = 1980s,=20 and concluded that in no circumstances should that be allowed to = happen=20 again. Labour MPs, therefore, have been socialised into a system = which=20 rates the possession of power, and hence loyalty to the = leadership, above=20 all else. Whatever the original intention of the strategy this = means that=20 the party leadership can do more or less what it likes; and has. = And Brown=20 almost as much as Blair is responsible for this.

Ross = McKibbin, a fellow of St John's College, Oxford, is the = author of=20 The Evolution of the Labour Party. Cultures and Classes: = England=20 1918-51 came out in 1998.

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3D"LRB

Other articles available from the 5 January 2006 = issue

What I = heard=20 about Iraq in 2005
Eliot Weinberger

Special=20 Frocks
Jenny Turner on Justine = Picardie

He = shoots! He=20 scores!
David Runciman on Jos=E9 = Mourinho

Short=20 Cuts
Thomas Jones : =91Extraordinary = Rendition=92

At = Tate=20 Modern
Peter Campbell on Henri = Rousseau

3Drule=20

From the archive

Diary
To= m=20 Paulin : Trimble's virtues

Short=20 Cuts
Thomas Jones : War Talk

Diary
St= uart=20 Kerr : On Trial in Turkey

Degrees of Not=20 Knowing
Rory Stewart : Does anyone know = how to=20 govern Iraq?

Marching=20 Orders
Ronan Bennett on the new future of = Northern Ireland

Short=20 Cuts
Paul Laity on worst case = scenarios

3Drule=20

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3Drule=20

Other articles by this contributor:

How to = put the=20 politics back into Labour
Ross McKibbin: Origins of the = Present=20 Mess

Why = did he risk=20 it?
Ross McKibbin: Blair, Brown and the US

Nothing More=20 Divisive
Ross McKibbin: The Great Secondary School = Disaster

The=20 Tax-and-Spend Vote
Ross McKibbin wonders whether the = election=20 will improve New Labour's grasp on reality

Make = enemies and=20 influence people
Ross McKibbin tells Tony Blair what to = do

Mondeo = Man in=20 the Driving Seat
Ross McKibbin on Blair's Government at = Mid-Term (1999)

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3D" copyright =A9 LRB Ltd,=20 1997-2006 HOME | SUBSCRIBE | = LOGIN | CONTACTS | SEARCH | SITE MAP 3D"
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